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Why  We  Aee  Democeats 

OR, 

The  Principles  and  Policies  of 

The  Ameeica]^  Democracy. 
by  s.  s.  bloom, 

Of  Shelby,  Onio. 

CONTAINING 

A   CONCISE  STATEMENT   OF  THE  LEADING  PRINCiri;ES  OF  THE 
DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  AS  TAUGHT 
BY  THE  FATHERS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC,  ENUNCIATED  IN 
THE  NATIONAL  PLATFORMS.   ^■^■T^  PROCLAIMED 
BY  REPRESENTATIVE  DEMOCRATS  FROM 
THE  FOUNDATION  OF  THE  GOVERN- 
MENT TO  THE  PRESENT  DAY. 


CHICAGO.  NEW  YORK  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO: 
BELFORD,  CLARKE  &  CO. 

1888. 


COPYRIGHT, 

S.  S.  BLOOM. 
1883. 


4^  EDITED    BY^ 

iDomiFiaRn 

v^O    PI 


ufSivERSlTY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA  IIBI:/ 


S6X3 


\/j 


z:        "     CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

WHAT  IS  DEMOCRACY  ? 

HON.  WILLIAM  ALLEN's  DESCRIPTION  OF  DEMOCRACY — DEMOCR/i- 
TIC  PRINCIPLES  ETERNAL — ^JEFFERSON  AND  HAMILTON — DE« 
MOCRACY  THE  CORNER-STONE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC — 
IMPORTANT  THAT  ALL  DEMOCRATS  SHOULD  BE  INSTRUCTED  IN 
THE  PRINCIPLES  AND  POLICIES  OF  DEMOCRACY — OPPONENTS 
OF  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES  SHOULD  BE  BETTER  VERSED  IN 
THE  PRINCIPLES  THEY  OPPOSE  —  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES 
NEVER  CHANGE — IMPORTANCE  OF  INTELLIGENT  AND  PATRI- 
OTIC VOTING — DEMOCRACY  HAS  A  WELL  DEFINED  AND  COM- 
PREHENSIVE POLICY Page  9, 


s^  CHAPTER  II. 

Q:: 

—  THE  ORIGIN  OF  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

-       DEMOCRATIC     PRINCIPLES     PREVAILED      IN    ANCIENT     GREECE     AND 

ROME — MAGNA  CHARTA — THE  DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE 

^  AND    CONSTITUTION     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES     CONTAIN     THE 

Jj 

Q  PRINCIPLES  OF  DEMOCRACY Page  33- 

J 

5  CHAPTER  HI. 

:  DUTY  OF  DEMOCRATS. 

A     HENRY    CLAY     WHIG    ASKS    A    YOUNG    DEMOCRAT   A  QUESTION — 
HEREDITARY     DEMOCRATS  —  THE     SOVEREIGN     VOTER     SHOULD 


-i   <a  /fl     1  *-, 


Conte7its. 

HAVE    A    WELL-DEFINED     POLITICAL     CREED — THE     PRINCIPLES 
LIE   WIDELY     SCATTERED    IN     VARIOUS     DOCUMENTS,    SPEECHES, 
AND  COLUMNS  OF  NEWSPAPERS — DIFFERENCE  BETWEEN  DEMOC 
RACY   AND  COMMUNISM Page   2'^ 

CHAPTER  IV. 

PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  GREAT  LEADERS— WASHINGTON 
AND  JEFFERSON 

Washington's  legacy  to  his  country — his  plea  for  union — 
union    a  fundamental   doctrine  of   democracy  warns 

against  SECTIONALISM  —  THE  HEAPING  UP  OF  PUBLIC  DEBT — 
URGES  HIS  COUNTRY  TO  DEAL  WISELY  WITH  FOREIGN  NATIONS 
— TO  GUARD  AGAINST  THE  SPIRIT  OF  INNOVATION — JEFFERSON 
THE  BEST  EXPOUNDER  OF  DEMOCRACY  —  "FATHER  OF  THE 
DEMOCRATIC  PARTY" — MANIFESTO  OF  MARCH  4tH,  1801 — A 
PLATFORM    OF    SIXTEEN    PLANKS Page   33. 

CHAPTER  V. 

PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  GREAT  LEADERS,  CONTINUED- 
MADISON  AND  JACKSON. 

MADISON,  "  THE  FATHER  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  "  —  STUDENT  OF 
FREE  GOVERNMENTS — ECHOES  THE  SENTIMKNTS  OF  HIS  PRED 
ECESSORS — SEVENTEEN  PRINCIPLES  OF  DEMOCRACY — A  COM- 
PREHENSIVE AXIOM  OF  FREEDOM — ANDREW  JACKSON,  "THE 
PRIDE  OF  democracy" EIGHT  YEARS  OF  JEALOUS  DEVO- 
TION     TO      THE     DEMOCRATIC     CAUSE — JACKSON's      POLITICAL 

CREED Page  42. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  1800-1836-1840. 

THE  PLATFORM  ON  WHICH  THOMAS  JEEFERSON  WAS  ELECTED — 
MARTIN  VAN  BUREN,  DEMOCRATIC  CANoltBATE — PLATFORM  OF 
1836 — PLATFORM  OF    THE   BALTIMORE   CONVENTION,   MAY    5tH, 

1840 Page  53. 


Contents. 
CHAPTER  VII. 

DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  1844-1848-1852-1856. 

1844  —  RESOLUTIONS  ADDITIONAL  TO  PLATFORM  OF  1840 — BALTI- 
MORE    PLATFORM,     MAY     22ND,     1848  —  BALTIMORE     PLATFORM, 

JUNE  1st,  1853 — CINCINNATI  PLATFORM,  JUNE,  1856.  Page  60. 
CHAPTER  VIII. 

DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  1860-1864. 

CONVENTION  AT  CHARLESTON,  APRIL  23RD,  1860 — DIVISION  IN  THE 
CONVENTION  —  HON.  B,  F  BUTLER — RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  MI- 
NORITY— CHICAGO  CONVENTION,  AUG.  29tH,  1864 — RESOLUTIONS 
— PACIFIC   RAILROAD — ACQUISITION    OF   CUBA Page    72 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM  OF  1868. 

NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  NEW  YORK,  JULY  4tH,  1868 
— RESOLUTIONS  IN  RELATION  TO  THE  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS 
AT    THE   CLOSE    OF   THE    WAR — ARRAIGNMENT   OF   THE    RADICAL 

PARTY  PRESIDENT    JOHNSON     COMMENDED  CHIEF    JUSTICE 

CHASE    AND   THE    TRIAL    OF    IMPEACHMENT Page    80. 

CHAPTER  X. 

DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  1872-1876. 

BALTIMORE  CONVENTION  OF  JULY  9tH,  1872,  ENDORSES  THE  PLAT- 
FORM OF  LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  HELD  IN  CINCIN- 
NATI, MAY  1st,  1872 — PLATFORM  OF  ST.  LOUIS,  MO.,  CONVEN- 
TION, JUNE  27th,  1876 — PLEAS  FOR  REFORM Page  87. 

CHAPTER  XL 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM  OF  1880. 

CONVENTION  OF  JUNE  22nD,  1880,  AT  CINCINNATI — THE  PLATFORMS 
OF     EIGHTY     YEARS     SHOW     THE     CONSISTENCY    OF    THE     DEMO- 


Contents. 

CRATIC  PARTY — THE  ONLY  POINT  OF  DIFFERENCE  BEING  THE 
TREATMENT  OF  THE  QUESTION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRI- 
TORIES  Page  98. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

FURTHER    PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    PARTY— STATE 
RIGHTS— THE  RIGHT  OF  COERCION. 

A  QUESTION  ON  WHICH  OPINIONS  WERE  DIVIDED  —  ANDREW  JACK- 
SON— THE  REPUBLICAN  THEORY  STATED  AT  THE  CHICAGO  CON- 
VENTION —  A   GOVERNMENT    NOT   A   LEAGUE  THE    RIGHT   OF 

SECESSION     A     SOLECISM  BUCHANAN     DENIED   THE     RIGHT   OF 

SECESSION — THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  THE  PARTY  OF  CONCILI- 
ATION —  THE    QUESTION     OF   COERCION  DEMOCRATS     CALLED 

"disloyal" — HON.   JOHN    A   LOGAN's    VIEW THE    DEMOCRATS 

HAVE   NO    NEED   TO    BLUSH    ON    THE    QUESTION   OF    COERCION. 

Page  104. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

CARDINAL  DOCTRINES  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

THE  RIGHT  OF  PETITION — SHOULD  BE  JUDICIOUSLY  USED — NOT  TO 
BE  CONFOUNDED  WITH  PETITIONS  FOR  PARDONS — OR  FROM  THE 
ARMY — OR  THREATS  FROM  ANGRY  MOBS — PUBLIC  MEETINGS 
AND  ASSOCIATIONS — THE  RIGHT  OF  PUBLIC  MEETING  AND  ASSO- 
CIATION MUST  BE  GUARDED — POLITICAL  CLUBS  OF  FRANCE — 
THE  SUPREMACY  OF  THE  LAW — EVERY  CITIZEN  SUBJECT  TO 
THE  LAW  AND  ONLY  TO  THE  LAW — MARTIAL  LAW — "HABEAS 
corpus" — MILITARY  SUBSERVIENT  TO  CIVIL  LAW — THE  WAR 
POWER — LIBERTY   OF   CONSCIENCE Page    115. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

PERSONAL    LIBERTY  —  PRIVATE   PROPERTY  —  FREE 
COMMUNICATIONS. 

"EVERY  man's  HOME  HIS  CASTLE " — "NO  GENERAL  WARRANTS 
SHALL     BE    ISSUED  " — NO    EXCESSIVE    BAIL — NO     POLITICAL  OF- 


Contents. 

PENCE  —  C»UNSEL  FOR  THE  ACCUSED— PRIVATE  PROPERTY — 
DEMOCRACY  DEMANDS  THE  FULLEST  FREEDOM  TO  POSSESS  AND 
ENJOY  PROPERTY — PUBLIC  FUNDS — PUBLICITY  OF  PUBLIC  BUSI- 
NESS— FREEDOM   OF    ELECTIONS — FREE    COMMUNICATIONS. 

Page  126. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

SUMPTUARY  LAWS  — TARIFF   FOR    REVENUE  —  SEC- 
TIONAL PARTIES. 

SUMPTUARY  LAWS  NOT  FAVORED  BY  DEMOCRACY  —  MAN  A  FREE 
MORAL  AGENT — CIVIL  RIGHTS — LIBERTY  REGULATED  BY  LAW — 
HOW  TO  RAISE  REVENUES — PROTECTION  VS.  FREE  TRADE — 
JACKSON'S  THEORY — A  TARIFF  FOR  REVENUE  NOT  FOR  PRO- 
TECTION— RICHARD  COBDEN's  VIEW — A  MARKET  THE  WORLD 
OVER  —  SECTIONAL       PARTIES    —    ALL      SECTIONAL      QUESTIONS 

SHOULD  BE  BURIED Page  140. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    CIVIL    SERVICE. 

DEMOCRACY  DEMANDS  A  PURE,  FAITHFUL,  CIVIL  SERVICE — ^JACK- 
SON's  VIEW — HON.  ALLEN  G.  THURMAN'S  LIST  OF  CORRUP- 
TIONS— THE   THEFT    OF    THE    PRESIDENCY — THE    DIFFERENCE 

THE  DEMOCRACY  SEEKS  TO  ELEVATE  THE  CITIZEN  RATHER 
THAN  MAGNIFY  THE  GOVERNMENT — "DO  AS  YOU  PLEASE,  AS 
LONG  AS  YOU  DO  NOT  TRAMPLE  ON  THE  RIGHTS  OF  OTHERS" 
— INSTEAD   OF    "THE    STATE  SO  WILLS,  AND    YOU    'MUST*   OBEY" 

— PRINCIPLES  NOT  MEN Page  153. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

OBJECTIONS  ANSWERED. 

AN  ANONYMOUS  OBJECTOR  ANSWERED  BY  RESOLUTIONS  OF  DEMO- 
CRATIC    CONVENTIONS — NEW    YORK,     1868 — BALTIMORE,     1872 

ST.  LOUIS,  1876 — DEMOCRATS  NEVER  REPUDIATED —  RADICAL 
OBJECTORS    LIKE    THE    ELDER    BROTHER    IN   THE    PARABLE — THE 


Contents. 

QUESTION   OF     THE    "REBEL    DEBT  "    SETTLED   BY    SECTION   4   OF 
ARTICLE    XIV   OF   THE    CONSTITUTION Page    162. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  RATIONALE  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

WE  ARE  DEMOCRATS  BECAUSE  WE  BELIEVE  IN  THE  UNION  OF  THE 
STATES  AS  ESSENTIAL  TO  FREE  GOVERNMENT — A  DEMOCRAT 
BELIEVES  IN  ALL  PARTS  OF  HIS  COUNTRY — HE  DOES  NOT  BE- 
LIEVE IN  SECTIONALISM  OR  HEAVY  PUBLIC  DEBTS — DEMO- 
CRATS BELIEVE  IN  THE  RIGHT  OF  ELECTION  BY  THE  PEOPLE 
— IN  THE  SUPREMACY  OF  THE  CIVIL  OVER  THE  MILITARY 
POWER — IN    A   GENERAL   DIFFUSION    OF    FRIENDSHIP.  .Page    170. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  RATIONALE  OF  DEMOCRACY— CONTINUED. 

DEMOCRATS  FAVOR  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  —  THE  FREEDOM  OF  THE 
PRESS  —  "HABEAS  COP  PUS  "  —  DEMOCRATS  ARE  DISCIPLES  OF 
WASHINGTON,  JEFFERSON,  MADISON,  JACKSON  —  OPPOSE  LARGE 
STANDING    ARMIES — ROTATION    IN    OFFICE Page    178. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

SUMMARY. 

DEMOCRACY  OPPOSED  TO  THE  CENTRALIZATION  OF  THE  GENERAL 
GOVERNMENT — TO  SUMPTUARY  LAWS — HIGH  PROTECTION  TAR- 
IFFS— TO  THE  UNION  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE — DEMOCRATS 
BELIEVE  IN  THE  BALLOT — HOME  RULE — HARD  MONEY — THE 
RIGHTS  OF  LABOR — THE  DEMOCRACY  NEVER  TAUGHT  REBEL- 
LION  Page  187. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

WHY  NOT  BE  A  DEMOCRAT  ? 

EVERY  LOVER  OF  TRUTH  AND  FREEDOM  SHOULD  BE  A  DEMOCRAT 
— THE  CREED  OF  DEMOCRACY  IS  ONE  OF  WHICH  A  MAN  MAY 


Contents. 

BE      PROUD THERE      IS      "WEALTH,      IN'TELLTGENCE,      AND      RE- 

SPECTAKII.ITY  "  AMONGST  DEMOCRATS  AS  WELL  AS  REPUBLI- 
CANS— THE  PARTY  CONTAINS  IN  ITS  RANKS  SUCH  MEN  AS 
JEFFERSON,  MADISON,  MONROE,  JACKSON,  POLK,  WRIGHT,  MARCY 
AND  DOUGLAS — DEMOCRACY  THOUGH  OUT  OF  POWER  IS  INFLU- 
ENTIAL— REPUBLICANS  ON  THE  THRESHOLD  OF  WAR — PATRI- 
OTIC DEMORACY  SAVED  THE  UNION — WHY  NOT  BE  A  DEMO- 
CRAT?  Page  194. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  FUTURE  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

complete  reconciliation  must  come — centralization  means 
despotism — democracy  alone  can  destroy  socialism  — 
Everett's  speech  at  Gettysburg — England's  wars  of  the 

ROSES — CIVIL  war  OF  THE  17TH  CENTURY THE  FRENCH  RE- 
VOLUTION  DEMOCRATIC     PRINCIPLES    MUST    TRIUMPH WHILE 

FREE  GOVERNMENTS  LIVE  DEMOCRACY  CANNOT  DIE — NOW  IS 
THE    TIME — YOUNG   MEN    RALLY    TO   THE    STANDARD,  .  Page    203. 

APPENDIX. 

ORDER  OF  BUSINESS  IN  CONVENTIONS. 

DUTY  OF  CENTRAL  COMMITTEE — THE  CALL — TEMPORARY  ORGANIZA- 
TIONS IMMEDIATELY  PRIOR  TO  CONVENTION — ELECTION  OF 
OFFICERS — ORDER  OF  COMMITTEES — CALLING  FOR  REPORTS — 
AMENDMENTS — THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN'S  ADDRESS  RESO- 
LUTIONS— MINORITIES  AND    MINORITY  REPORTS — PRESIDENTIAL 

VOTE  FROM  1789  ro  1880 Page  215. 


WHY  WE  ARE  DEMOCRATS. 


OHAPTEE  I. 

WHAT  IS  DEMOCRACY  ? 

HON.  WILLIAM  ALLEN'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  DEMOCRACY— DEMOCRA- 
TIC PRINCIPLES  ETERNAL  —  JEFFERSON  AND  HAMILTON  — 
DEMOCRACY  THE  CORNER  STONE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 
— IMPORTANT  THAT  ALL  DEMOCRATS  SHOULD  BE  INSTRUCTED 
IN  THE  PRINCIPLES  AND  POLICIES  OF  DEMOCRACY — OPPONENTS 
OP  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES  SHOULD  BE  BETTER  VERSED  IN 
THE  PRINCIPLES  THEY  OPPOSE— DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES  NEVER 
CHANGE— IMPORTANCE  OF  INTELLIGENT  AND  PATRIOTIC  VOT- 
ING— DEMOCRACY  HAS  A  WELL-DEFINED  AND  COMPREHENSIVE 
POLICY. 

Hon.  William  Allen,  once  a  noted  United 
States  Senator  from  Ohio,  described  Democracy 
in  beautiful  language  when  he  said:  "Democracy 
is  a  sentiment  not  to  be  appalled,  corrupted  or 
compromised.  It  knows  no  baseness,  it  cowers  to 
no  danger;  it  oppresses  no  weakness.  Fearless, 
generous  and  humane,  it  rebukes  the  arrogant, 
cherishes  honor,  and  sympathizes  with  the  humble. 


10  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

It  asks  nothing  but  what  it  concedes;  it  concedes 
nothing  but  what  it  demands.  Destructive  only 
of  despotism,  it  is  the  sole  conservator  of  liberty, 
labor  and  property.  It  is  the  sentiment  of  free- 
dom, of  equal  rights  and  equal  obligations.  It  is 
the  law  of  nature  pervading  the  land.  The  stupid, 
the  selfish,  and  the  base  in  spirit  may  denounce 
it  as  a  vulgar  thing;  but  in  the  history  of  our 
race,  the  Democratic  principle  has  developed  and 
illustrated  the  highest  moral  and  intellectual  attri- 
butes of  our  nature.  It  is  a  noble,  a  sublime  senti- 
ment which  expands  our  affections,  enlarges  the 
circle  of  our  sympathies,  and  elevates  the  soul  of 
man,  until  claiming  an  equality  with  the  best,  it 
rejects  as  unworthy  of  its  dignity,  any  political 
immunities  over  the  humblest  of  his  fellows.  Yes, 
it  is  an  ennobling  principle;  and  may  that  spirit 
which  animated  our  revolutionary  Fathers  in  their 
contest  for  its  establishment,  continue  to  animate 
us,  their  sons,  in  the  impending  struggle  for  its 
preservation." 

Thus  eloquently  spoke  an  honored  and  revered 
member  of  the  Democratic  party,  years  ago,  who 
came  very  near  being  made  the  Democratic  can- 
didate for  President  by  the  convention  which  nomi- 
nated Franklin  Pierce. 

Another  honored  member  of  the  party  but  re- 
cently has  declared  concerning  the  principles  of 
the  party:  ''They  are  eternal — a  Divine  fire  burn- 
ing   in    the    hearts    of   men.      They    quicken    the 


why  ive  are  Democrats  ?  11 

thoughts  of  the  statesman,  nerve  the  arm  of  the 
soldier,  and  double  the  energies  of  the  toiler. 
They  are  found  in  the  self-evident  truth  of  the 
American  patriot  who  declared  that  all  men  are 
created  equal.  Democracy  is  the  unrelenting  foe 
of  despotism  and  communism,  whether  open  or 
sought  to  be  hidden  under  the  disguise  of  paternal 
government.  Its  beneficent  office  in  political  af- 
fairs is  to  secure  to  every  man  the  utmost  possible 
liberty  of  action  consistent  with  equal  liberty  to 
every  other.  It  is  not  the  office  of  the  Democratic 
party  to  invent,  but  to  promulgate — not  to  discover, 
but  to  declare  those  eternal  principles,  and  to 
apply  them  to  the  ever-changing  affairs  of  human 
society. 

Old — eternal  Democracy  is  founded  on  the  living 
law  of  political  affairs — that  the  largest  liberty 
should  be  every  man's  heritage,  consistent  with 
law  and  order.  Therefore  it  is  that  the  Democratic 
party  stands  for  the  individual  against  the  en- 
croachments of  the  state,  for  the  rights  of  the 
states  against  the  encroachments  of  the  federal 
government;  for  home  rule  against  foreign  inter- 
ference and  agression.  Its  corner  stone  is  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  capability  of  individual  man,  with  the 
aid  of  Divine  grace,  to  govern  himself,  and  of  each 
individual  man  united  in  society  to  govern  society 
with  the  least  possible  interference  from  society 
with  the  individual  concerns  of  man.  Therefore  it 
stands  for  personal  liberty  as  against  aristocracy, 


12  Why  ive  are  Democrats  9 

which  stands  for  an  impudent  attempt  of  those  who 
style  themselves  the  best,  to  interfere  with  the 
liberties  of  those  whom  they  choose  to  think  their 
inferiors. 

The  Democratic  party  dates,  therefore,  from 
every  attempt  to  interfere  with  liberty;  it  is  the 
resistance  to  that  liberty  which  means  Democracy. 
It  dates  in  our  own  government  from  the  differ- 
ences of  opinion  which  those  great  leaders,  Jeffer- 
son and  Hamilton  entertained  with  regard  to  the 
scope  and  duty  of  civil  government.  Hamilton  was 
the  regulating,  ordaining,  and  controlling  mind  on 
the  one  side,  and  on  the  other  was  Jefferson,  the 
philosophical  statesman,  who  never  attempted  to 
regulate  nor  control,  but  who  with  great  quiet 
energy  of  infusing  principles,  enabled  popular  rights 
t,o  take  care  of  themselves.  From  these  two  great 
statesmen  arose  two  great  parties — the  Jeffersonian 
and  Hamiltonian,  and  to-day  they  stand  in  conflict 
with  each  other  as  completely  as  at  the  time  when 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected. 

Those  two  parties — one  favoring  a  Paternal  gov- 
ernment, seeking  to  regulate  from  above — the  other. 
Democratic,  favoring  equal  rights,  seeking  to  spread 
their  beneficient  influence  around  —  these  are  the 
two  hostile  and  conflicting  views  which  are  arrayed 
against  each  other. 

When  any  new  idea  is  suggested,  one  can  tell  in 
a  moment  whether  the  man  advancing  it  be  a 
Democrat  in  sentiment,  or  the  opposite  in  his  ideas, 


Why  we  are  Democrats  9  13 

by  the  proposed  plan  of  action,  the  manner  in  which 
the  idea  of  control  should  be  applied.  The  men 
who  believe  in  the  precepts  of  Jefferson,  who  be- 
lieve that  each  man  is  clothed  with  Divine  endow- 
ments with  the  largest  measure  of  liberty  which  is 
consistent  with  law  and  order;  that  each  man  is 
the  best  judge  of  what  he  believes  will  benefit  him- 
self, so  far  as,  in  so  doing,  he  does  not  interfere 
with  the  liberty  and  rights  of  others." 

These  sentiments  meet  a  proud  response  in  the 
hearts  of  millions  of  Democrats,  and  yet  how  many 
really  know  what  Democracy  means  ?  They  are 
members  of  the  party  which  bears  that  ennobling 
name,  and  promulgates  these  glorious  sentiments 
of  free  government  among  men;  they  are  enthusi- 
astic in  its  support,  but  they  have  given  the  matter 
too  little  thought,  have  spent  too  little  time  in  their 
investigation  to  be  fully  informed  of  the  very  prin- 
ciples which  they  profess  to  love,  revere  and  sup- 
port. 

They  know  but  little  of  the  reasons  which  in- 
fluenced the  founders  of  that  party  when  first  or- 
ganized, and  when  its  great  leaders  first  began  to 
administer  government  in  accordance  with  its  doc- 
trines. Believing  that  many  who  have  hitherto 
opposed  its  principles  and  its  policy  would  be  glad 
to  have  an  opportunity  to  review  the  grounds  upon 
which  the  faith  of  the  American  Democracy  rests, 
the  writer  has  prepared  the  following  pages  as  a 
brief  compend  of  those  principles  which  have  con- 


14  Why  ice  are  Democrats  9 

trolled  the  actions  of  eminent  Democratic  statesmen 
in  the  past,  and  miich  now  prompt  the  actions  of 
the  honest,  true-hearted  faithful  adherents  of  that 
party, — principles  which  its  leaders  must  uphold 
and  defend,  if  they  would  be  instrumental  in  per- 
petuating, not  only  the  great  party  to  which  they 
belong,  but  the  government  itself,  which  was  so 
firmly  established  upon  those  great  principles  of 
human  liberty,  and  which,  as  a  system,  is  the  very 
corner  stone  upon  which  the  whole  fabric  rests. 

We  should  know  ivhy  ive  are  Democrats  !  It  is  but 
simple  justice  to  ourselves,  to  be  properly  informed 
on  this  subject;  it  is  due  our  manhood;  due  the  dig- 
nity of  American  citizens,  that  we  have  knowledge 
on  this  subject,  in  order  that  we  may  render  a  clear, 
logical,  and  concise  reason  for  every  political  action 
we  perform — for  every  ballot  we  deposit.  All  have 
not  had  the  opportunity  so  to  inform  themselves; 
they  have  not  access  to  the  depositories  of  this 
knowledge,  and  must  depend  upon  political  speeches 
delivered  during  heated  campaigns,  or  upon  the  col- 
umns of  political  newspapers,  published  by  leading 
and  eminent  Democratic  leaders;  hence  it  is  that  a 
calm,  deliberate  discussion  and  statement  of  the  ele- 
mentary principles  of  Democracy,  in  their  homes 
and  by  their  firesides,  is  what  the  voters  so  much 
need,  that  they,  too-,  may  learn  of  those  {principles, 
which  actuated  the  founders  of  the  great  Demo- 
cratic party,  when  they  first  expounded  them  to  the 
voters  of  the  country;  and  that  they  may  by  their 


Why  we  are  Democrats  ?  15 

intelligent  votes  favor  that  party  with  their  support, 
which  for  more  than  three  quarters  of  a  century, 
whether  in  or  out  of  power,  has  more  or  less  influ- 
enced the  administration  of  public  affairs.  A  state- 
ment of  those  principles,  gathered  from  authentic 
sources,  published  in  a  compact  and  convenient 
form,  with  such  explanations  as  may  suggest  them- 
selves, it  is  believed  will  supply  this  need,  so  that 
all  who  aspire  to  become  intelligent  Democratic 
voters,  may  know  why  they  are  such, — know  the 
elementary  principles  upon  which  their  faith  is 
founded. 

Those  who  have  not  heretofore  supported  that 
party  should  knotv  the  reason  why!  They  should 
know  the  reasons  which  call  forth  so  much  enthusi- 
asm at  every  returning  national  election.  There  is 
a  reason  for  it  and  they  should  know  it.  It  is  al- 
ways wise  to  fully  comprehend  the  positions  of  our 
opponents.  Why  should  not  those  who  oppose  De- 
mocracy, know  our  reasons  for  being  Democrats  ? 
If  these  reasons  are  unsound,  they  will  be  all  the 
better  prepared  to  overcome  our  arguments,  by  first  - 
knowing  what  they  are. «  It  is  an  evidence  of  weak- 
ness in  their  cause,  if  they  refuse  to  do  this.  It  is 
an  evidence  of  confident  strength  in  our  cause, 
when  we  challenge  an  investigation;  it  shows  that 
we  are  at  least  honest,  and  sincere,. in  what  we  pro- 
fess to  believe. 

Not  everything  which  assumes  to  be  Democratic  is 
so  !    Hypocrisy  is  said  to  be  the  compliment  which 


16  Why  we  are  Democrats  9 

vice  pays  to  virtue.  Things  most  rare  and  valuable 
are  usually  the  first  to  be  counterfeited.  A  mere 
name  does  not  demonstrate  a  principle.  Intelligent 
men  dive  beneath  the  surface  to  ascertain  from 
what  motives  professions  proceed,  and  they  very 
reasonably  look  to  the  measures  advocated  and 
actions  performed,  to  discover  upon  what  principles 
they  are  founded,  before  they  will  give  adherence 
to  or  advocate  them  as  being  best  calculated  to 
bring  peace,  happiness  and  prosperity  to  the  masses. 
Party  names,  therefore,  do  not  always  represent 
what  they  express  in  technical  words.  These  some- 
times change,  and  even  political  parties  may  as- 
sume to  change  their  principles.  Democratic  prin- 
ciples are  ever  the  same,  and  herein  lies  the  beauty 
and  strength,  and  durability  of  the  Democratic 
party.  In  free  governments  like  ours,  in  the  varied 
questions  which  constantly  arise,  consequent  upon 
the  ever-changing  circumstances  of  the  case,  new 
applications  of  old  and  well  established  rules  must 
necessarily  arise.  It  therefore  becomes  a  patriotic 
duty,  which  every  citizen  owes  to  his  country,  to  be 
well  informed  concerning  the  principles  and  meth- 
ods adopted  by  political  parties,  so  that  when  he 
identifies  himself  with  any  party,  he  may  feel  at 
ease  within  its  ranks,  and  be  able  to  conscientiously 
maintain  and  swpport  it  before  his  fellow  men. 

It  is  to  aid  somewhat  the  inquiring  reader  in  this 
work  of  investigation,  that  the  writer  invites  the 
voters  of  all  parties  to  examine  the  principles  and 


Why  we  are  Democrats'?  17 

policy  of  the  great  Democratic  party,  that  eaclf 
may  know  the  reasons  why,  and  when  convinced., 
give  that  assent  to  its  doctrines,  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  maintain  its  organization^ 

It  should  be  the  aim  of  every  voter — the  laudable 
ambition  of  every  citizen  —  to  cast  his  ballot  at 
every  election,  so  as  to  give  to  his  mind  the  strong- 
est possible  assurance  that  the  policy  proposed  by 
his  party  will  result  in  the  greatest  good  to  the 
greatest  number  of  his  fellow  men.  It  should  be 
the  ambition  of  every  voter  who  has  little  else  to  do 
in  the  administration  of  public  affairs  than  to  cast 
an  intelligent  ballot,  that  he  should  vote  wisely  and 
patriotically.  That  ends  the  sovereign  power  ot 
the  voter  until  the  return  of  another  election. 
Those  he  aids  in  electing  to  office  are,  it  is  true,  his 
public  servants,  but  they  are  also  the  chosen  agents 
of  his  sovereign  will,  and  it  therefore  becomes  a 
matter  of  great  importance  to  him  to  know  not 
only  for  whom  he  votes,  but,  also  upon  what  prin- 
ciples he  for  whom  he  votes  casts  his  ballots,  or  in 
what  manner  he  proposes  to  administer  this  great 
trust.  It  is  only  by  electing  such  agents  as  most 
nearly  represent  his  views  that  he  can  make  his 
sovereign  power  to  be  felt;  it  becomes  important, 
therefore,  for  him  to  know  not  only  why  he  himselt 
is  a  Democrat,  but  that  he  for  whom  he  votes  is 
also  a  Democrat. 

In  order  to  enable  the  intelligent  voter  the  more 
readily  to  comprehend  the  difference  between  the 


18  Why  we  are  Democrats  f 

parties,  and  to  learn  from  the  public  expressions  by 
candidates  and  from  party  platforms  what  the 
views  of  such  party  representatives  really  are,  and 
upon  what  principles  they  are  founded,  this  little 
book  is  written.  From'  its  pages  we  trust  they  may 
learn  what  the  creed  of  the  Democratic  party  really 
is,  whether  those  which  are  announced  as  Demo- 
cratic principles  really  are  such;  and  that  if  any,  as 
Jefferson  has  so  tersely  stated  it,  in  moments  of 
doubt  or  alarm  have  really  wandered  away  from 
them,  that  they  may  hasten  their  return  to  the  well 
beaten  path  of  a  genuine  Democracy.  The  writer 
indulges  the  hope  that  before  they  have  concluded 
the  perusal  of  these  pages  they  will  have  learned 
that  the  Democratic  party  has  always  had,  and  now 
has  a  clear  and  well  defined  system  of  government 
and  policy  of  administering  the  same  upon  every 
question  of  state  or  national  import;  and  that 
Democrats  have  good  and  substantial  reasons  for 
each  and  every  measure  of  public  policy,  founded 
upon  these  fundamental  principles  of  Democracy, 
in  perfect  accord  with  the  best  experience  of  past 
ages,  all  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  true  spirit  of 
our  Democratic-Republican  institutions. 

It  is  no  blind  adherence  to  party  idols — the  mere 
popular  worship  of  so-called  great  men  —  that 
makes  men  Democrats;  but  it  is  their  belief  in  cer- 
tain principles  upon  which  a  free  government 
should  be  administered,  and  which  to  them  pro- 
mises the  highest  good  to  themselves  and  their  fel- 


Why  we  are  Democrats  9  19 

low  men,  that  impels  them  to  associate  together  for 
the  purpose  of  promoting  their  desires.  It  is  prin- 
ciple which  makes  men  Democrats,  and  it  is  their 
adherence  to  those  principles  which  makes  the  De- 
mocracy the  organized  power  in  the  land  which  it 
always  has  been.  It  is  to  a  study  of  these  principles 
our  readers  are  invited  while  perusing  these  pages. 

The  princixjles  and  traditionary  policy  of  the  De- 
mocracy should  he  ivell  understood.  They  should 
be  well  defined.  They  should  be  implicitly  adhered 
to.  A  wise  general  policy  on  almost  every  question 
liable  to  arise  has  been  marked  out  by  the  Fathers 
of  the  Constitution.  They  framed  and  put  into  suc- 
cessful operation  nearly  a  century  ago,  a  Govern- 
ment, so  well  provided  with  checks  and  balances 
against  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  power,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  lives,  liberties  and  property  of  the  peo- 
ple, that  if  properly  administered,  it  is,  we  confi- 
dently believe,  the  best  form  of  government  ever 
devised  by  man.  It  is  a  claim  the  Democratic  party 
has  ever  put  forward  that  their  principles  have  been 
more  in  accord  with  the  true  theory  upon  which 
that  Government  is  founded,  than  those  of  any  other 
party  organization,  and  that  in  accordance  with 
those  principles,  and  upon  the  policy  thus  marked 
out,  our  government  can  alone  be  smoothly  and  suc- 
cessfully administered. 

A  party,  in  order  to  be  successful,  must  educate 
its  adherents  into  a  clear  knowledge  of  its  aims  and 
purposes;   and  they  must  ed,rnestly  believe  in  the 


30  Why  ive  are  Democrats  9 

justness  and  correctness  of  those  principles.  The 
Democracy,  then,  must  know  what  they  believe, 
and  be  acquainted  with  the  reasons  why  they  be- 
lieve in  those  principles;  and  then,  being  convinced 
that  the  happiness,  comfort  and  welfare  of  them- 
selves and  their  posterity  depend  upon  the  applica- 
tion of  those  principles  to  the  administration  of  pub- 
lic affairs,  they  possess  one  of  the  strongest  incen- 
tives to  labor  for  the  ultimate  triumph  of  those 
principles.  Such  a  party  cannot  be  broken  up  and 
destroyed  while  the  government  it  sustains  contin- 
ues to  exist.  Therefore  a  wise  general  policy  has 
been  marked  out  by  the  Democracy,  by  which  they 
propose  to  administer  the  affairs  of  government. 
Without  fundamental  principles  a  party  cannot 
long  exist.  A  party  founded  upon  a  single  idea,  is, 
and  necessarily  must  be,  short  lived.  One  great  rea- 
son why  the  Democratic  party  has  so  long  existed 
under  that  name,  and  has  so  successfully  perpetuat- 
ed itself  for  nearly  a  century  in  the  United  States 
is  due  to  these  reasons.  It  has  always  maintained 
a  code  of  principles,  transmitted  from  one  genera- 
tion to  another,  and  hence  to-day  maintains  the 
same  fundamental  principles,  and  proposes  to  pur- 
sue the  same  general  policy,  which  the  founders  of 
the  party  proclaimed  nearly  a  century  ago.  By  the 
application  of  these  principles,  and  the  pursuit  of 
this  policy,  they  have  sought  to  administer  the  af- 
fairs of  this  government,  and  so  long  as  they  were 


Why  tve  are  Democrats  ?  21 

strictly  adhered  to,  peace,  happiness  and  general 
prosperity  prevailed. 

The  fact  that  these  principles  are  scattered 
through  the  records  of  the  past — of  ttimes  inaccessible 
to  the  masses — is  one  reason  why  they  are  not  now 
so  generally  known  by  the  people;  and  the  fact  that 
they  have  been  practically  out  of  power  for  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  in  the  administration  of  the 
Federal  government,  has  prevented  these  principles 
from  being  so  thoroughly  impressed  upon  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  as  in  former  years.  There  is 
therefore  a  greater  necessity  for  a  revival  of  this 
knowledge, — a  more  general  diffusion  of  those  prin- 
ciples, than  when  its  faithful  leaders  are  at  the  head 
of  public  affairs,  where  they  can  apply  those  princi- 
ples to  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and  the 
people  learn,  almost  by  intuition,  what  now  must 
be  sought  for  more  by  research  and  investigation. 
With  the  increased  light  shed  upon  the  nation  by 
the  more  general  diffusion  of  knowledge,  should 
come  a  more  thorough  knowledge  of  the  principles 
which  underlie  free  Democratic  government.  The 
area  over  which  our  government  exerts  its  influence 
having  been  many  times  multiplied,  and  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  people  greatly  increased  in  other 
things,  there  is  all  the  more  necessity  for  a  better 
knowledge  of  Democratic  principles,  and  a  more 
strict  application  ot  them  to  the  affairs  of  a  govern- 
ment derived  from  the  people,  over  this  vast  extent 


22  Why  we  are  Democrats  9 

of  territory,  now  almost  embracing  the  entire  con- 
tinent of  North  America. 

For  these,  and  many  other  reasons  which  might 
be  adduced,  the  principles  of  the  American  Democ- 
racy should  be  well  understood — nay  they  should  be 
better  understood  than  ever  before,  during  the  his- 
tory of  our  country. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES. 

DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES  PREVAILED  IN  ANCIENT  GREECE  AND 
ROME  —  MAGNA  CHARTA— THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND- 
ENCE AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  CONTAIN  THE 
PRINCIPLES    OP  DEMOCRACY. 

The  rise  and  progress  of  Democratic  Princi- 
ples may  be  traced  far  back  in  the  history  of  ancient 
governments.  Their  origin  —  the  very  dawning  of 
tlieir  light — may  be  seen  in  the  free  governments  of 
ancient  Greece  and  Rome.  They  may  be  found 
shining  more  and  more  along  succeeding  ages, 
through  the  annals  of  the  British  government — 
bursting  with  increased  brilliancy  over  the  events 
at  the  granting  of  Magna  Charta  on  the  banks  of 
Runnymede  where  first  they  were  wrested  from  the 
English  crown,  and  along  the  line  of  the  ages,  until 
planted  upon  American  soil  by  reason  of  the  at- 
tempted oppression  of  the  mother  country,  and  for 
more  than  a  century  nurtured  and  cultivated  along 
the  Atlantic  coast,  preceding  the  American  revolu- 
tion. Even  in  colonial  times  here  in  the  western 
wilds  of  America,  governments  were  established  as 
a  means  of  protection  "  of  the  people,  by  the  people, 
and  for  the  people;"  and  this,  even  when  the  British 


24  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

sovereign  still  pretended  to  possess  the  power  to 
grant  these  God-given  rights  to  his  dutiful  subjects. 
But  when  the  Declaration  of  American  Independ- 
ence was  first  written  and  thundered  into  the  ears 
of  the  mightiest  government  then  on  earth;  when 
they  were  watered  by  the  blood  shed  through  a  long 
and  tedious  war,  and  finally  established  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  principles 
of  the  American  Democracy  began  first  to  be  formu- 
lated into  something  like  a  substantial  political 
system,  from  which  began  to  flow  tangible  results 
designed  to  bless  the  whole  world  by  their  benefi- 
cent influences.  A  Democrat  must  thoroughly 
believe  in  the  principles  declared  and  established  in 
those  immortal  documents  drafted  by  American 
Democrats,  and  from  them  he  must  draw  his  politi- 
cal inspirations;  in  them  he  finds  his  first  lessons  of 
instruction,  and  upon  them  must  be  founded  his 
political  faith.  They  have  stood  the  test  for  over  a 
hundred  years  in  America,  and  the  application 
thereof  has  never  failed  to  produce  beneficent 
results  whenever  justly  applied;  they  have  proved 
themselves  efficient  in  stilling  the  tempest  of  civil 
war,  and  how  often  they  have  saved  internal  strife 
and  bloodshed,  none  can  ever  know. 

In  these  documents  and  the  Bill  of  Rights  preced- 
ing them,  can  be  found  the  best  compend  of  Demo- 
cratic doctrines  ever  promulgated  by  mortal  men. 
Tkese  were  framed  exclusively  for  the  people,  by 
the  agents  of  the  people^  and  adopted  by  the  people 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  25 

for  the  protection  of  the  liberties  of  themselves  and 
their  posterity.  These  immortal  men  had  studied 
well  the  history  of  ancient  free  governments;  and 
directed  by  Avhat  seems  more  than  human  wisdom, 
even  though  enlightened  by  the  experience  of  past 
ages,  they  placed,  as  the  foundation  of  that  Consti- 
tution, those  inalienable  rights  and  privileges  of 
freemen  which  arbitrary  power  can  never  success- 
fully or  long  wrest  from  them  while  the  people  re- 
main true  to  themselves,  and  faithful  to  their  politi- 
cal trusts.  They  drafted  those  documents  in  such 
plain  and  simple  terms  that  it  would  seem  no  one 
could  misunderstand  their  meaning,  and  though  the 
area  of  territory  over  which  the  states  have  now 
extended,  reaching  far  over  the  plains  of  the  then 
unknown  west,  and  to  them  a  foreign  country,  and 
still  extending  to  the  far  off  shores  of  the  Pacific — 
they  seem  to  be  as  applicable  to-day  as  they  were 
when  first  engrossed  for  formal  adoption.  Their 
provisions  are  too  plain  to  be  misunderstood,  and  it 
is  this  which  Democrats  mean  when  they  say  that 
they  adhere  to  "  a  strict  construction  of  the  Consti- 
tution," because  they  believe  human  rights  and 
liberties  have  the  same  old  foes  to  contend  against, 
and  having  safely  guided  the  ship  of  state  on  its 
hitherto  almost  unparalleled  prosperous  voyage, 
they  are  unwilling  to  change  its  principles,  but  bid 
it  Godspeed  through  the  ages  to  come,  that  it  may 
serve  the  same  blessed  purposes  down  to  the  latest 
period  of  time.     Democrats  have  in  these  revered 


26  Wliy  ive  are  Democrats. 

docuinents  a  compendium  of  first  principles  of  free 
government,  to  wliich  they  cannot  too  often  resort 
when  embarrassed  by  doubts  as  to  what  course  to 
pursue  in  seasons  of  difficulty  and  trouble.  Hence 
it  is  that  the  frequent  perusal  and  study  of  the 
symbols  of  Democracy  —  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
— is  earnestly  urged  upon  those  who  would  study 
the  principles  of  the  party  more  in  detail  than  our 
space  will  permit  within  the  compass  of  this  work. 


CHlPTEE  III. 
DUTY  OF  DEMOCRATS. 

A  HENRY  CLAY  WHIG  ASKS  A  YOUNG  DEMOCRAT  A  QUESTION 
— HEREDITARY  DEMOCRATS — THE  SOVEREIGN  \OTER  SHOULD 
HAVE  A  WELL-DEFINED  POLITIC^VL  CREED — THE  PRINCIPLES 
LIE  WIDELY  SCATTERED  IN  VARIOUS  DOCUMENTS,  SPEECHES, 
AND  COLUMNS  OF  NEWSPAPERS— DIFFERENCE  BETWEEN  DE- 
MOCRACY AND  COMMUNISM. 

The  duty  of  Democrats  to  know  what  their 
PRINCIPLES  ARE  !  Over  forty  years  ago,  during  the 
memorable  campaign  of  1842,  when  the  writer  was 
yet  a  mere  boy,  among  the  hills  of  Pennsylvania 
when  asked  by  a  venerable  Henry  Clay  Whig,  ivhy 
he  so  young  professed  to  be  a  Democrat,  he  could 
not  answer  the  question.  He  felt  ashamed  of  his 
ignorance,  and  immediately  determined  by  investi- 
gation to  knoiv  the  reason  why,  and  if  ever  again 
asked  the  same  question,  to  be  able  to  render  an  in- 
telligent reason  for  the  faith  that  was  in  him.  It  is 
the  duty  of  every  Democrat,  who  aspires  to  the 
least  intelligence,  to  be  able  to  do  likewise.  It  cer- 
tainly must  be  very  unsatisfactory  to  an  intelligent 
young  man  to  say  that  he  is  a  Democrat,  because 
his  father  before  him  was  one;  that  he  was  raised 
in  that  belief,  and  that  he  proposes  to  remain  so;  or 


28  Why  we  are  Democrats  f 

that  his  neighbors,  whose  opinions  he  respects,  and 
who  ought  to  know  what  is  right,  are  Democrats, 
and  that  he  will  support  that  party  simply  because 
they  do.  He  should  have  a, well  defined  political 
creed,  and  know  upon  what  principles  it  rests.  It 
is  due  to  those  who  ask  him;  it  is  due  to  his  own  man- 
hood and  self  respect,  as  a  sovereign  voter  that  he 
should  have  knowledge  on  that  subject,  in  order  that 
when  asked  he  may  be  able  to  render  a  clear,  con- 
cise and  logical  reason  for  his  political  faith  and 
actions.  When  an  unprejudiced  voter  has  fully  in- 
formed himself  of  the  principles  of  the  Democratic 
party,  he  will  find  no  reason  to  be  ashamed  of  join- 
ing its  fortunes,  and  espousing  its  cause.  Rather 
will  he  become  proud  of  the  fact,  that  he  sustains  an 
organization,  which  represents  principles,  without 
the  practice  of  which  neither  our  own,  nor  the  en- 
lightened nations  of  the  earth  in  other  lands,  would 
be  what  they  are  to-day;  rather  should  he  be 
ashamed  when  requested  so  to  do,  to  be  unable  to 
render  a  reason  for  his  political  faith. 

The  writer  does  not  urge  this  duty  upon  others, 
because  he  claims  to  be  the  author  or  expounder  of 
those  principles,  but  only  the  medium  through 
whom  they  have  been  gathered  from  various  sources 
where  found,  and  the  publication  of  them  in  this 
convenient  form  for  the  benefit  of  thousands  of 
such,  who  are  Democrats,  and  who,  desiring  to  be 
honest  with  themselves,  can  be  nothing  else  in  sen- 
timent, but  who  have  no  other  means  by  which  to 


Why  we  are  Democrats  ?  29 

have  clearly  set  before  them  the  principles  they 
have  espoused,  and  which  they  desire  to  see  applied 
in  the  administration  of  public  affairs. 

These  principles  of  Democracy  are  found  as  we 
have  already  said  in  Magna  Charta;  the  Declaration 
of  Independence;  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States;  in  the  farewell  address  of  Washington;  in 
the  messages  of  the  early  presidents;  in  the  speeches 
of  great  senators  and  public  speakers,  as  well  as  in 
the  columns  of  Democratic  newspapers,  and  the 
platforms  of  party  conventions.  These  principles 
are  the  heritage  left  us  by  the  great  leaders  of  pub- 
lic sentiment  anterior  to  the  formation  of  our  gov 
ernment,  in  their  contest  against  tyranny  and  op- 
pression— kingly  powers  and  imperial  prerogatives. 
Growing  with  the  growth  of  freedom  in  all  ages, 
they  form  a  part  of  the  history  of  our  race  in  its 
progress  from  the  darkness  and  superstition  of  bar- 
barism, to  the  present  high  position  of  enlighten- 
ment and  civilization.  How  then  could  the  ordin- 
ary reader,  who  is  compelled  to  toil  from  day  to  day 
to  support  himself  and  family,  ever  expect  to  ac- 
quaint himself  with  them  by  detail,  when  he  has 
neither  the  time  nor  means  to  search  for  them 
among  the  records  of  the  past?  It  is  simply  impos- 
sible. The  strength  of  the  Democratic  party,  so  far 
as  mere  numbers  is  concerned,  is  in  the  toiling  mil- 
lions of  our  country,  and  in  truth  it  should  be  equal- 
ly strong  in  the  general  intelligence  of  the  voters  on 
the  subject  of  those  prii^ciples;  because  in  the  qust • 


30  Why  ive  are  Democrats  ? 

ness,  the  correctness  and  imperative  necessitj^  of  the 
application  of  those  principles  in  the  administration 
of  free  government,  lies  the  real  strength  of  the 
Democratic  party.  It  therefore  becomes  the  duty 
of  the  members  of  that  party,  when  they  thus  had 
brought  together,  in  a  brief,  codified,  consolidated 
form,  these  principles,  by  means  of  which  they  may 
the  more  easily  learn  and  comprehend  them,  to  give 
some  little  attention  to  acquire  a  better  knowledge 
of  them. 

Surely  sufficient  time  to  peruse  these  pages  can 
be  gained  from  the  hours  of  labor,  and  it  certainly 
is  the  imperative  duty  of  every  freeman  to  learn 
more  of  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  in  order 
to  promote  his  own  welfare,  and  transmit  to  poster- 
ity the  beneficent  form  of  government  bequeathed 
to  us  by  the  Democratic  Fathers  of  the  Republic. 

There  is  another  reason  why  it  is  the  duty  of 
Democrats  to  be  well  informed  as  to  their  recog- 
nized principles.  Not  everything  which  claims  to 
be  Democracy,  is  always  such,  in  the  popular  accep- 
tation of  the  term.  As  an  illustration  may  be  cited 
the  maxim,  "  that  the  majority  must  rule" — which 
is  a  recognized  Democratic  doctrine;  but  it  taken  in 
its  absolute  sense,  without  reference  to  constitutional 
limitations,  the  doctrine  might  degenerate  into  mere 
Communism,  which  is  by  no  means  Democracy  as 
understood  by  the  party.  Communism  elevates  the 
state  above  the  citizen;  Democracy  elevates  the  cit- 
izen, shields  him  in  his  personal  rights,  and  makes 


Why  we  are  Democrats  ?  31 

him  a  freeman  indeed.  Thus  it  is  that  care  must  be 
taken  to  distinguish  the  true  from  the  false  Democ- 
racy, and  in  order  to  do  this  it  becomss  our  duty  to 
correctly  inform  ourselves  as  to  what  really  is  the 
genuine  article. 

Party  names  do  not  always  mean  what  they  ex- 
press. Intelligent  men  are  obliged  to  go  beneath 
the  surface,  and  ascertain  from  the  principles  pro- 
fessed, and  the  actions  performed  by  political  par- 
ties^ whether  their  policies  are  founded  on  correct 
principles,  and  will  have  the  desired  effect  in  bring- 
ing peace,  happiness  and  prosperity  to  the  masses 
affected  by  them. 

So,  also,  parties  may  change,  and  names  with 
them,  but  principles  never;  and  in  the  varied  ques- 
tions which  arise  in  every  free  government,  there  is 
ever  a  necessity  for  some  new  application  of  some 
old,  well  established  principles,  so  that,  if  properly 
informed,  few  need  long  remain  in  doubt  as  to  the 
course  they  ought  to  pursue. 

It  is  the  duty  of  every  voter  to  inform  himself 
thoroughly  of  the  principles  and  methods  of  politi- 
cal parties,  so  that  when  he  identifies  himself  with 
either,  he  may  feel  assured  that  he  will  be  at  ease 
in  its  ranks,  and  be  able  to  conscientiously  maintain 
and  support  its  principles  and  purposes.  It  is  to  aid 
the  reader  in  this  work  that  he  is  invited  to  ex- 
amine the  principles  of  the  National  Democratic 
Party,  in  order  to  know  for  himself  whether  his 
mind  can  give  assent  to  its  policy  or  not. 


32  Why  tve  are  Democrats  ? 

To  enable  the  reader,  whether  voter  or  candidate, 
to  more  readily  answer  the  question — AVhy  am  I  a 
Democrat  ? — these  pages  are  prepared,  hoping  they 
will  answer  the  purposes  intended,  and  meet  with  a 
cordial  reception,  not  only  from  intelligent  Demo- 
crats who  already  can  clearly  render  a  reason  for 
the  faith  which  is  in  them,  but  from  those  also  who 
are  m  search  of  information  on  the  subject. 

This  duty  of  the  voter,  and  most  especially  of  the 
Democratic  voter,  to  inform  himself  of  the  tenets  of 
his  party  being  so  self-evident,  he  will  be  prepared 
to  enter  upon  the  study  of  the  same  as  they  are 
gathered  from  the  sources  already  indicated.  As 
they  are  presented  in  consecutive  order  he  will  find 
new  truths  enunciated  and  principles  exemplified, 
that,  we  doubt  not,  he  will  be  able  to  apply  them  to 
almost  any  question  which  may  arise  under  either 
our  national  or  state  administrations,  and  keep  him- 
sels  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  living  principles 
of  the  American  Democracy. 


CHAPTEE  lY. 

PRINCIPLES   OF  THE  GREAT  LEADERS- 
WASHINGTON  AND  JEFFERSON. 

WASHINGTON'S  LEGACY  TO  HIS  COUNTRY—HIS  PLEA  FOR  UNION- 
UNION  A  FUNDAMENTAL  DOCTRINE  OF  DEMOCRACY — WARNS 
AGAINST  SECTIONALISM  —  THE  HEAPING  UP  OF  PUBLIC  DEBT — 
URGES  HIS  COUNTRY  TO  DEAL  WISELY  WITH  FOREIGN  NATIONS 
—  TO  GUARD  AGAINST  THE  SPIRIT  OF  INNOVATION— JEFFERSON 
THE  BEST  EXPOUNDER  OP  DEMOCRACY  —  "FATHER  OF  THE 
DEMOCRATIC  PARTY." —  MANIFESTO  OF  MARCH  4TH,  1801 — A 
PLATFORM   OF  SIXTEEN   PLANKS. 

Washington  lived  before  the  days  of  party  poli- 
tics. He  exemplified  his  principles  by  his  conduct, 
whether  at  the  head  of  the  army  or  of  the  civil  ad- 
ministration. He  had  studied  well  the  principles  of 
free  governments  in  former  ages,  and  was  well 
grounded  in  the  faith.  In  his  farew^ell  address  to 
the  American  people  he  left  a  legacy  any  party 
might  well  be  proud  of.  Not  because  he  was  at  the 
head  of  a  so-called  Democratic  or  Republican  or 
aiiy  party,  but  because  the  few  fundamental  prin- 
ples  upon  which  rested  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union, 
which  he  announced,  have  always  been  a  part  of 
the  faith  of  the  Democracy,  does  it  become  appro- 
priate here  to  insert  those  principles.      No  person 


34  Why  we  are  Democrats  ? 

can  be  a  sound  Democrat,  who  cannot  give  unquali- 
fied assent  to  them.  In  substance  he  announced 
the  following  principles: 

"  The  union  of  the  government  is  the  main  pillar 
in  the  edifice  of  our  real  independence.  The  support 
of  our  tranquility  at  home,  our  peace  abroad,  of  our 
safety  and  our  prosperity — yea  of  the  very  liberty 
all  so  highly  prize." 

He  warned  his  countrymen  that  from  different 
causes  and  from  different  quarters,  great  pains 
would  be  taken  (as  was  the  case  three-quarters  of  a 
century  after  that),  and  many  artifices  would  be 
employed  to  weaken  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  the 
conviction  of  this  great  truth.  He  told  them  that 
this  was  a  point  in  their  political  fortress  against 
tvhich  the  batteries  of  internal  and  external  enemies 
ivould  most  constantly  and  most  actively,  though 
covertly  and  insidiously,  direct  their  assaults. 

He  entreated  them  to  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual- 
and  immovable  attachment  to  the  Union  ;  accus, 
toming  them  to  think  and  speak  o^  it  as  the  palla- 
dium of  their  political  safety  and  prosperity^  watch- 
ing for  its  preservation  with  jealous  anxiety,  dis- 
countenancing whatever  might  even  suggest  a  sus- 
picion that  it  could  in  any  event  be  abandoned;  and 
indignantly  frown  upon  the  first  daivning  of  every 
attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  countrymen 
from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred  ties  which 
link  together  the  various  parts  of  our  common  coun 
try. 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  35 

Whether  lie  calk'd  himself  a  Democrat  or  not 
makes  no  difference — this  principle  of  cherishing  an 
absolute  devotion  to  the  existence  of  the  Union, 
under  one  form  of  government,  is  a  sacred  Democratic 
principle  that  must  be  subscribed  to  by  every  citizen 
of  this  great  Republic  who  aspires  to  be  called  an 
American  Democrat.  It  is  because  Democrats  have 
ever  entertained  the  same  convictions,  and  (save 
by  men  avIio  called  tliemselves  Democrats,  but  had 
forgotten  or  disregarded  the  warning  voice  of 
"Washington,  and  went  into  a  rebellion  against  the 
government,  thereby  seeking  to  destroy  the  Union) 
have  ever  been  true  to  these  principles,  and  above 
all  other  parties,  most  profoundly  impressed  with 
the  truth  of  this  doctrine,  that  they  have  been 
Democrats. 

Washington  sought  by  most  cogent  arguments  to 
impress  upon  his  countrymen,  that  all  parts  of  the 
country,  North,  South,  East  and  West,  had  a  common 
destiny  and  a  common  interest  in  the  general  welfare 
of  every  other  section,  and  because  each  added  strength 
and  security  to  the  other,  and  in  this  sense  the  Union 
was  the  main  prop  of  our  liberties,  so  that  the  love 
for  one  should  endear  to  the  people  the  preservation  of 
the  other,  and  thus  become  the  primary  object  of  patri- 
otic desire. 

Democrats  believe  all  this;  and  though  the  party 
itself  became  distracted,  and  many  of  its  adherents 
were  dragged  into  a  rebellion,  still,  as  soon  as  mili- 
tarv  force  was  overcome  and    the   conviction    of   the 


36  Why  we  are  DemoQvats. 

mind  could  be  freely  exercised,  even  those  again 
became  as  ardently  attached  to  the  Union  as  any 
other  portion  of  our  people,  and  since  the  close  of 
the  war  have  sought  by  every  means  within  their 
power  to  bring  together  and  bind  more  closely  the 
whole  people  of  this  Union  in  the  bonds  of  a  fra- 
ternal brotherhood  of  states. 

Washington  ivarned  his  countnjmen  against  sec- 
tionalism !  He  cautioned  them  that  designing  men, 
as  they  ever  have,  would  endeavor  to  excite  a 
belief  that  there  was  a  real  difference  of  local  in- 
terests and  views.  He  said  one  of  the  expedients  of 
partyism  would  be  to  acquire  influence  in  one  par- 
ticular section,  by  misrepresenting  the  opinions  and 
aims  of  another  section,  and  that  they  could  not 
shield  themselves  too  much  against  the  jealousies 
and  heart-burnings  aroused  by  these  misrepresenta- 
tions, which  tended  to  alienate  the  sections  from 
each  other,  instead  of  binding  them  more  closely 
together  with  fraternal  regard  and  affection.  It  is 
because  they  have  seen  the  Democratic  party  en- 
deavoring by  every  possible  means  in  its  power  to 
inculcate  these  same  great  truths,  while  its  oppon- 
ents have  conducted  themselves  towards  one  sec- 
tion precisel}''  in  the  way  and  manner  Washington 
suggested  men  would,  that  they  are  forced  to  be 
Democrats,  when  true  to  their  convictions  of  right. 

He  cautioned  his  countrymen  against  heaping  up 
public  debts  for  posterity  to  pay,  thus  ungenerously 
throiving  upon  them  burdens  which  ive,  ourselves, 


WJiy  we  are  Democrats.  37 

should  pay.  This  whole  business  of  bonded  indebt- 
edness is  un-Democratic,  and  ought  not  to  be  in- 
dulged in,  if  by  any  means  it  can  be  avoided.  It  is 
true  that  Democrats  have  been  led  astray  by  the 
plausible  arguments  of  those  who  regarded  "  public 
debts  as  public  blessings,"  still  Mie  Democratic  party 
as  sucli,  has  ever  denounced  the  practice,  and  be- 
cause they  have  always  coincided  with  Washing- 
ton's teaching  in  this  particular,  they  are  Democrats. 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influence, 
he  conjured  his  fellow-citizens,  their  jealousy  ouglit 
to  be  constantly  awake.  Numerous  opportunities 
would  be  offered,  he  said,  to  tamper  with  domestic 
factions,  to  practice  the  arts  of  seduction,  to  mis- 
lead public  opinion,  to  influence  public  councils. 

No  attachment,  therefore,  for  one  nation  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  another  should  he  tolerated.  Such  con- 
duct would  lead  to  concessions  to  one  nation,  and 
denials  of  privileges  to  others,  and  would  invite  a 
multitude  of  evils  upon  it. 

It  is  because  this  has  been  a  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  the  Democratic  party,  who  most  heartily 
believe  in  the  doctrine,  hence  they  are  Democrats. 

Washington  also  advised  his  countrymen  to  re- 
sist ivith  care  the  spirit  of  innovation  upon  the 
principles  on  which  the  government  icas  founded, 
however  specious  the  pretext  might  be.  One 
method  of  assault  would  be,  he  said,  to  effect  under 
the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  alterations  which 
would   impair    the  whole  system.      It  is  because. 


38  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

impressed  by  the  truth  of  these  teachings  of  Wash- 
ington, the  Democratic  party  has  opposed  the 
numerous  amendments  constantly  being  proposed, 
that  the3'  are  Democrats,  believing  that  in  this  they 
adhere  more  strictly  to  the  teachings  of  Washing- 
ton, than  any  other  party. 

Believing  therefore  that  the  principles  of  Wash- 
ington are  correct  and  true,  worthy  to  be  practised 
and  in  accord  with  the  principles  of  free  govern- 
ment, they  are  not  ashamed  to  avow  these  reasons 
for  being  Democrats. 

It  would  be  well  if  Democrats  more  closely 
studied  these  principles,  and  in  deciding  questions 
of  public  policy,  and  measures  designed  for  the 
welfare  of  the  people,  would  apply  these  doctrines  in 
arriving  at  conclusions,  and  we  doubt  not  that  they 
would  invariably  arrive  at  a  correct  conclusion. 

A.lthougli  in  his  time-  not  called  "  a  Democrat," 
yet  the  leader  of  what  was  then  known  as  the  Re- 
publican party,  contending  against  the  federal,  or 
strong  govui'nment  party,  Thomas  Jefferson  was 
perhaps  one  of  the  besi  expounders  of  those  princi- 
ples now  held  by  the  Democratic  party,  among  all 
of  the  revolutionary  sages. 

In  liis  writings  and  official  messages  as  President, 
we  find  frequent  allusions  to,  and  a  rigid  applica- 
tion of  them  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs, 
so  that  he  has  been  called  "the  Father  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  "  It  was  peculiarly  appropriate  that  he 
should  do  so,  because,  though  early  in  the  history 


Why  toe  are  Democrats.  41 

mation.  The  wisdom  of  our  sages,  and  the  blood  of 
our  heroes,  have  been  devoted  to  their  attainment. 
They  shouldhe  the  creed  of  our  poUticalfaith,  the  text 
of  civic  instruction,  the  touchstone  hy  which  to  tiy  the 
services  of  those  we  trust;  and  sliould  we  wander  from 
tliem  in  moments  of  error  or  alarm,  let  us  hnsten  to 
retrace  our  steps,  and  to  regain  the  road  which  alone 
leads  to  peace,  liberty  and  safety." 

It  is  because  Democrats  believe  every  one  of  those 
fundamental  principles  to  be  true,  that  they  are  .Demo- 
crats. 


CHAPTER  Y. 

PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    GREAT   LEADERS 

CONTINUED— MADISON    AND 

JACKSON. 

MADISON  "THE  FATHER  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION"— STUDENT  OF 
FRE'^  GOVERNMENTS— ECHOES  THE  SENTIMENTS  OF  HIS  JPRED 
ECEGSORS  —  SEVENTEEN  PRINCIPLES  OF  DEMOCRACY — A  COM 
PREHENSIVE  AXIOM  OF  FREEDOM— ANDREW  JACKSON  "  THE 
PRIDE  OF  DEMOCRACY" — EIGHT  YEARS  OF  JEALOUS  DEVOTION 
TO  THE  DEMOCRATIC   CAUSE— JACKSON'S  POLITICAL  CREED. 

Democrats  believe  in  a  full,  unequivocal,  and 
heart}^  support  of  the  Constitution,  in  a  strict  con- 
struction of  it,  and  in  the  spirit  and  the  purpose  for 
for  which  it  was  formed,  and  in  Madison,  also,  who 
took  such  a  deep  interest  in  its  formation,  as  to  be 
called  "the  Father  of  the  Constitution,"  they  have 
another  exponent  of  sound  Democratic  principles. 

He  knew  well  the  principles  on  which  that  consti- 
tution was  founded.  He  had  studied  the  rise,  pro- 
gress, decay  and  fall  of  every  free  government 
which  had  gone  before,  and  profiting  by  the  very 
misfortunes  of  other  nations,  he  had  secured  in  the 
adoption  of  our  Constitution,  such  principles  as  he 
fondly  believed  would  prevent  us  as  a  people  from 
falling   into   similar    errors.      Standing    upon    the 


Why  we  are  Democrats  43 

threshold  of  his  great  office,  as  President  of  the 
United  States,  succeeding  Jefferson,  he  announced 
the  following  as  additional  principles,  vital  to  the 
welfare  of  the  American  people,  in  their  intercourse 
with  foreign  nations.  They  were  in  part  but  the 
echoes,  of  what  came  from  the  lips  of  Washington 
and  Jefferson,  and  became  the  policy  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  ever  since.  He  announced  them  as  fol- 
lows: 

1.  To  cherish  peace  and  friendly  intercourse  with 
all  nations  having  a  corresponding  disposition. 

2.  To  maintain  sincere  neutrality  towards  bellig- 
erent nations. 

3.  To  prefer,  in  all  cases,  amicable  discussions 
and  reasonable  accommodation  of  differences,  to  a 
decision  of  them  by  an  appeal  to  arms. 

4.  To  exclude  foreign  intrigues,  and  foreign  par- 
tialties,  so  degrading  to  all  countries,  and  so  bane- 
ful to  free  ones. 

5.  To  foster  a  spirit  of  independence,  too  just  to 
invade  the  rights  of  others,  too  proud  to  surrender 
our  own;  too  liberal  to  indulge  unworthy  prejudices 
ourselves,  and  not  too  elevated  to  look  down  upon 
them  in  others. 

6.  To  hold  the  Union  of  the  States  as  the  basis  of 
their  peace  and  happiness. 

7.  To  support  the  Constitution  which  is  the 
cement  of  the  Union,  as  icell  in  its  limitations  as 
in  its  authorities. 


44  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

8.  To  respect  the  rights  and  authorities  reserved 
to  the  states  and  the  people,  as  equally  incorporated 
with  and  essential  to  the  success  of  the  general 
system. 

9.  To  avoid  the  slightest  interferences  with  the 
rights  of  conscience  or  the  functions  of  religion,  so 
wisely  exempted  from  civil  jurisdiction. 

10.  To  preserve  in  their  full  energy  the  salutary 
provisions  in  behalf  of  private  and  personal  rights, 
and  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

11.  To  observe  economy  in  public  expenditures. 

12.  To  liberate  public  resources  by  an  honorable 
discharge  of  the  public  debts, 

13.  To  keep  within  the  requisite  limits  a  stand- 
ing military  force — always  remembering,  that  an 
armed  and  trained  militia  is  the  firmest  bulwark  of 
republics. 

14.  That  without  standing  armies  their  liberties 
can  never  be  in  danger,  nor  with  large  ones,  safe. 

15.  To  promote  by  authorized  means  improve- 
ments friendly  to  agriculture,  to  commerce,  to 
manufactures,  and  to  external  as  well  as  internal 
commerce. 

IG.  To  favor  in  like  manner  the  advancement  of 
science  and  the  diffusion  of  information,  as  the  best 
aliment  of  true  liberty. 

17.  To  carry  on  benevolent  plans  for  the  conver- 
sion of  our  aboriginal  neighbors  from  the  degra- 
dation and  wretchedness  of  savage  life,  to  a  partici- 
pation of  the  improvements  of  which  the  human 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  45 

mind  and  manners  are  susceptible  in  a  civilized 
state. 

In  one  of  his  messages  he  also  laid  down  the 
principle,  that  a  well-instructed  people  alone  can  be 
permanently  free. 

In  the  principles  of  Andrew  Jackson  the  Democ- 
racy take  great  pride.  From  his  Inaugural  address 
on  March  4th,  1829,  to  the  close  of  his  administra- 
tion of  eight  years,  in  every  message  to  Congress  he 
uttered  Democratic  sentiments  in  a  terse,  vigorous 
style,  which,  on  account  of  their  self-evident  truth 
deeply  rooted  themselves  in  American  hearts,  and 
became  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party, 
which,  during  his  administration  first  took  that 
name,  and  which  it  has  held  ever  since.  They  are 
found  scattered  all  through  his  messages,  and  were 
his  guide  in  deciding  all  questions  of  national  policy, 
so  many  of  which  pressed  themselves  upon  him 
during  his  term  of  office.  From  these  the  follow- 
ing may  be  selected  and  placed  in  order,  which 
should  be  thoroughly  studied  and  applied  to  all 
questions  which  may  even  now  arise. 

1.  He  said:  "■Regard  should  be  had  for  the  rights 
of  the  several  States,  taking  care  not  to  confound 
the  poivers  reserved  to  them,  ivith  those  they  had  in 
the  Constitution  granted  to  the  general  government." 

2.  In  every  aspect  of  the  case,  advantage  must 
result  from  strict  and  faithful  economy  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  public  affairs. 


46  W7iy  ive  are  Democrats. 

3.  He  declared  the  unnecessary  duration  of  the 
public  debt  incompatible  with  real  independence. 

4.  In  the  adjustment  of  a  tariff  for  revenue,  he 
insisted  that  a  spirit  of  equity,  caution  and  com- 
promise requires  the  great  interests  of  agriculture, 
manufactures  and  commerce  to  be  equally  favored. 

5.  He  admitted  the  policy  of  internal  improve- 
ments to  be  wise  only,  in  so  far  as  they  could  be 
promoted  by  constitutional  acts  of  the  general 
government. 

G.  He  declared  standing  armies  to  be  dangerous 
to  free  government,  and  that  the  military  should  be 
in  strict  subordination  to  the  civil  power. 

7.  He  declared  the  National  Militia  to  be  the 
bulwark  of  our  national  defence.  In  enforcing  this 
principle  he  declared  that,  so  long  as  the  govern- 
ment was  administered  for  the  good  of  the  people, 
and  regulated  by  their  will — so  long  as  it  secured  lo 
the  people  the  rights  of  person  and  of  property, 
liberty  of  conscience  and  of  the  press,  the  govern- 
ment would  be  worth  defending,  and  so  long  as  ii 
was  worth  defending,  the  patriotic  militia  would 
cover  it  with  an  impenetrable  cegis. 

8.  He  pledged  himself  to  the  work  of  reform  in 
the  administration,  so  that  the  patronage  of  the 
general  government  which  had  been  brought  into 
conflict  with  the  freedom  of  elections,  and  had  dis- 
turbed the  rightful  course  of  appointments,  by 
continuing  in  power  unfaithful  and  incompetent 
servants,  should  no  longer  be  used  for  that  purpose. 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  47 

9.  He  declared  his  belief  in  the  principle,  that  the 
integrity  and  zeal  of  public  officers  would  advance 
the  interests  of  the  public  service  more  than  mere 
numbers. 

10.  He  declared  the  right  of  i\\Q  people  to  elect  a 
President,  and  that  it  was  never  designed  that 
their  choice  shoukl  in  any  case  be  defeated  by  the 
intervention  of  agents;  enforcing  this  principle  by 
saying  what  experience  had  amply  proved,  that  in 
proportion  as  agents  were  multipUed  to  execute  the 
will  of  the  people,  there  was  the  danger  increased, 
that  their  wishes  would  be  frustrated.  Some  maij 
he  unfaithful— all  liable  to  err.  So  far  then  as  the 
people  were  concerned,  it  was  better  for  them  to 
express  their  own  will. 

11.  The  inajoritij  should  govern.  No  President 
elected  by  a  minority  could  so  successfully  dis- 
charge his  duties,  as  he  who  knew  he  was  supported 
by  the  majority  of  the  people. 

13.  He  advocated  rotation  in  office.  Corruption, 
he  said,  would  spring  up  among  those  in  power,  and 
therefore  he  thought  appointments  should  not  be 
made  for  a  longer  period  than  four  years.  Every 
body  had  equal  right  to  office,  and  he  favored  re- 
movals as  a  leading  principle,  which  would  give 
healthful  action  to  the  political  system. 

13.  He  advocated  unfettered  commerce,  free 
from  restrictive  tariff  laws,  leaving  it  to  flow  into 
those  natural  channels  in  which   individual  enter- 


48  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

prise,  always  the  surest  and  safest  guide,  might  di- 
rect it. 

11.  He  opposed  specific  tariffs,  because  subject  to 
frequent  changes,  generally  produced  by  selfish  mo- 
tives, and  under  such  influences,  could  never  be  7^st 
and  equal. 

15.  The  proper  fostermg  of  manufactures  and 
commerce  tended  to  increase  the  value  of  agricul- 
tural products. 

16.  In  cases  of  real  doubt,  as  to  matters  of  mere 
public  policy,  he  advocated  a  direct  appeal  to  the 
people,  the  source  of  all  power,  as  the  most  sacred 
of  all  obligations,  and  the  wisest  and  most  safe 
course  to  pursue. 

17.  He  advocated  a  just  and  equitable  bankrupt 
law,  as  beneficial  to  the  country  at  large,  because 
after  the  means  to  discharge  debts  had  entirely  been 
exhausted,  not  to  discharge  them,  only  served  to 
dispirit  the  debtor,  sink  him  into  a  state  of  apathy, 
make  him  a  useless  drone  in  society,  or  a  vicious 
member  of  it,  if  not  a  feeling  witness  of  the  rigor 
and  inhumanity  of  his  country.  Oppressive  debt 
being  the  bane  of  enterprise,  it  should  be  the  care  of 
the  republic  not  to  exert  a  grinding  power  over  mis- 
fortune and  poverty. 

18.  He  declared  in  favor  of  the  principle,  that  no 
money  should  be  expended,  until  first  appropriated 
for  the  purpose  by  the  legislature.  The  people  paid 
the  taxes,  and  their  direct  representatives  should 
alone  have  the  right  to  sixy    'vliat  they  should   be 


Why  ice  are  Democrats  ?  49 

taxed  for,  in   what  sums,  and  how,  and  when  it 
should  be  paid. 

19.  He  utterly  opposed  the  system  of  govern- 
ment aiding  private  corporations  in  making  inter- 
nal improvements.  It  was  deceptive  and  conducive 
of  improvidence  in  the  expenditure  of  public  mon 
ies.  For  this  purpose  appropriations  could  be  ob- 
tained with  greater  facilities,  granted  with  inade- 
quate security,  and  frequently  complicated  the 
administration  of  government. 

20.  The  operations  of  the  general  government 
should  be  strictly  confined  to  the  fe^^^  simple,  but 
important  objects  for  which  it  was  originally  de- 
signed. 

*^1.  He  favored  the  veto  power  in  the  executive, 
hut  only  to  be  exercised  in  cases  of  attempted  viola- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  or  in  cases  next  to  it  in  im- 
portance. 

22.  He  advocated  State  rights,  as  far  as  consist- 
ent with  the  rightful  action  of  the  general  govern- 
ment, as  the  very  best  means  of  preserving  harmony 
between  them;  and  pronounced  this  the  true  faith, 
and  the  one  to  which  might  be  mainly  attributed  the 
success  of  the  entire  system,  and  to  which  alone  we 
must  look  for  stability  in  it. 

?3.  He  advoc.  ted  "  a  uniform  and  sound  cur- 
rency," but  doubted  the  constitutionalty  and  expe- 
diency of  a  national  bank;  and  afterwards  made  his 
administration  famous  by  successfully  opposing  the 
renewal  of  its  charter. 


50  1T7///  loe  are  Democrats. 

24.  Precious  metals  as  the  only  currency  known 
to  the  constitution.  Their  peculiar  properties  ren- 
dered them  the  standard  of  values  in  other  countries 
and  had  been  adopted  in  this.  The  experience  of 
the  evils  of  paj^er  money  had  made  it  so  obnoxious 
in  the  past,  tliat  tlie  framers  of  tlie  constitution  had 
forbidden  its  adoption  as  the  legal  tender  currency 
of  the  country. 

Variableness  must  ever  be  the  characteristic  of  a 
currency  not  based  upon  those  metals.  Expansion 
and  contraction,  without  regard  to  principles  which 
regulate  the  value  of  those  mettds,  as  a  standard  in 
the  general  ti-ade  of  the  world  were,  he  said,  ex- 
tremely pernicious. 

Where  these  properties  are  not  infused  into  the 
circulation,  and  do  not  control  it,  pi  ices  must  vary, 
according  to  the  tide  of  the  issue;  the  value  and 
stability  of  property  exposed,  uncertainty  attending 
the  administration  of  institutions,  constantly  liable 
to  temptations  of  an  intei'est  distinct  from  that  of 
the  community  at  large,  all  this  attended  by  loss  to 
the  laboring  class,  who  have  neither  time  nor  op- 
portunity to  watch  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  money 
market. 

25.  He  renews  his  advocacy  of  a  cheerful  com- 
pliance with  the  will  of  the  majority ;  and  the  exer- 
cise of  the  jwioer  as  expressed  in  a  spirit  of  modera- 
tion, justice  a7id  hrotherly  kindness^  as  the  best 
means  to  cement,  and  forever  ^;7'*^,<?<'r'y«  the  Union. 
Those,    he  closes,    who   advocate    sentiments  adverse 


TTV.y  ve  ure  Democrats.  51 

to  tliose  cxj)ressed,  however  honest,  are,  m  effect,  the 
worst  enemies  of  tlieir  country. 

These  are  principles  as  enunciated  by  eminent  states- 
men of  the  Democratic  party,  and  ahnost  universally 
quoted  as  sound  Democratic  doctrines.  In  fact  they 
are  absolutely  received  as  such.  Our  attention  will  now 
be  directed  to  the  principles,  as  declared  by  Democratic 
National  Conventions,  which  are,  of  course,  binding 
upon  all  loyal  members  of  the  Democratic  party. 


CHAPTEB  YI. 
DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  1800-1836-1840. 

THE    PLATFORM    ON    WHICH    THOMAS   JEFFEKSON  WAS  ELECT- 
ED  MARTIN     VAN    BUREN,    DEMOCRATIC     CANDIDATE 

PLATFORM  OF  1836 PLATFORM  OF  THE  BALTIMORE  CON- 
VENTION, MAY  5th,  181:0. 

There  is  no  record  of  political  platforms  previous 
to  the  year  A.  D.  1800.  In  that  year,  at  a  Congres- 
sional caucus  held,  the  following-  platform  was  adopted, 
upon  which  Thomas  Jefferson  was  elected  President,  in 
opposition  to  John  Adams : 

1.  An  inviolable  preservation  of  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution according  to  the  true  sense  in  which  it  was 
adopted  by  the  States,  tiiat  in  w^hich  it  was  advocated 
by  its  friends,  and  not  that  its  enemies  apprehended, 
who  therefore  became  its  enemies. 

2.  Opposition  to  monarchizing  its  features  by  the 
forms  of  its  administration,  with  a  view  to  conciliate 
a  transition,  first  to  a  President  and  Senate  for  life 
and  secondly,  to  a  hereditary  tenure  of  those  offices, 
and  thus  to  worm  out  the  elective  principle. 

3.  Preservation  to  the  States  of  the  powers  not 
yielded  by  them  to  the  Union,  and  to  the  Legishx- 
ture  of  the  Fnion  its  constitutional  share  in  division 


IVhy  we  are  Democrats.  5i 

of  powers;  and  resistance,  therefore,  to  existing 
movements  for  transferring  all  the  powers  of  the 
States  to  the  general  government,  and  all  of  those 
of  that  government  to  the  executive  branch. 

4.  A  rigorous,  frugal  administration  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  the  application  of  all  the  possible 
savings  of  the  public  revenue  to  the  liquidation  of 
the  public  debt;  and  resistance,  therefore,  to  all 
measures  looking  to  a  multiplication  of  officers  and 
salaries  merely  to  create  partisans,  and  to  augment 
the  public  debt  on  the  principle  of  its  being  a  public 
blessing. 

5.  Reliance  for  internal  defence  solely  upon  tha 
militia  till  actual  invasion  ;  and  for  such  nava' 
force  only  as  may  be  sufficient  to  protect  our  c^of'sts 
and  harbors  from  depredations;  and  opposition, 
therefore,  to  the  policy  of  a  standing  army  in  time 
of  peace,  which  may  overawe  the  public  sentiment, 
and  to  a  navy,  which  by  its  own  expenses  and  the 
wars  in  which  it  will  implicate  us,  will  grind  us 
with  public  burdens,  and  sink  us  under  them. 

6.  Free  commerce  with  all  nations;  political  con- 
nection with  none,  and  little  or  no  diplomatic 
establishment. 

7.  Opi^osition  to  linking  ourselves  by  new 
treaties  with  the  quarrels  of  Europe,  entering  their 
fields  of  slaughter  to  preserve  their  balance,  or 
joining  in  the  confederacy  of  kings  to  war  against 
the  principles  of  liberty. 

8.  Freedom   of   religion  and    o.ppos-mon    to   alJ 


94  iVhy  we  are  Democrats. 

maneuvers  to    bring  about  a  legal  establishment 
of  one  sect  over  another. 

9.  Freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press;  and 
opposition,  therefore,  to  all  violations  of  -the  con- 
stitution, to  silence  by  force  and  not  by  reason  the 
complaints  of  criticisms,  just  or  unjust,  of  our 
citizens  against  the  conduct  of  their  public  agents. 

10.  Liberal  naturalization  laws  under  which  the 
well  disposed  of  all  nations  who  may  desire  to 
embark  their  fortunes  with  us  and  share  w^ith  us 
the  public  burdens,  may  have  that  opportunit}' 
under  moderate  restrictions,  for  the  development  of 
honest  intention,  and  severe  ones  to  guard  against 
the  usurpation  of  our  flag. 

11.  Encouragement  of  science  and  the  arts  in 
all  their  branches,  to  the  end  that  the  American 
people  may  perfect  their  independence  of  all 
foreign  monopolies,  institutions  and  influences. 

Upon  the  foregoing  platform  Thomas  Jefferson 
was  elected  President,  over  John  Adams,  the 
Federal  candidate. 

Democratic  Platform  of  1836. — From  the  time 
that  Thomas  Jefl"erson  was  elected  President,  down 
to  January,  A.  D.  1836,  when  Martin  Van  Buren 
became  the  Democratic  candidate,  we  find  no  form 
al  declaration  of  principles  by  the  party,  as  an- 
nounced by  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe  and  Jack- 
son, stated  in  another  part  of  this  volume,  in  their 
messages  to  Congress,  forming  the  leading  tenets 


^yhy  we  are  Democrats.  55 

of  the  party,  and  to  which,  afterwards,  frequent 
allusions  are  made  in  the  declarations  of  principles 
by  the  Democratic  party: 

In  January,  A.  I).  1830,  the  following  platform  of 
principles  was  ]Hit  forth  by  the  party. 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all 
men  are  created  free  and  equal,  that  they  are  en- 
dowed by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights,  among  whicli  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happiness;  that  the  true  foundation  of 
Eepublican  Government  is  the  equal  rights  of  every 
citizen  in  his  person  and  propei'ty  and  in  their 
management;  that  the  idea  is  quite  unfounded  that 
on  entering  into  society  we  give  up  our  natural 
right ;  that  the  rightful  powder  of  all  legislation  is  to 
declare  and  enforce  only  our  natural  right  to  com- 
mit aggressions  on  the  equal  rights  of  anothei',  and 
this  is  all  from  v.hich  the  law  ought  to  restrain  him; 
that  every  man  is  under  tlie  natural  duty  of  con- 
tributing to  the  necessities  of  society,  and  this  is 
all  the  law  should  enforce  on  him;  that  when  the 
laws  have  declared  and  enforced  all  this,  they  have 
fulfilled  their  functions. 

We  declare  unqualified  hostility  to  oank  notes 
and  paper  money  as  a  circulating  medium,  *  because 
gold  and  silver  is  the  only  safe  and  constitutional 
currency ;  opposition  to  any   and   all   monopolies  by 

""This  had  reference  to  the  issue  of  pni  or  ivioiuy  b}-  iin  sponsible 
private  corporations. 


56  Why  we  are  Ihihocrats. 

legislation,  because  they  are  violations  of  eoua* 
rights  of  the  people;  hostility  to  the  dangerous  and 
unconstitutional  creation  of  vestticl  riglits  or  pre. 
rogatives  by  legislation,  b^'^ause  the}'  are  usurpa- 
tions cf  the  peoples'  sovereign  rights;  no  legislative 
or  other  authority  in  the  body  politic  can  rightfully 
by  charter  or  otherwise,  exempt  any  man  or  body 
of  men  in  any  case  whatever  from  trial  by  jury, 
and  the  jurisdiction  or  operation  of  the  ]aws  which 
govern  the  community. 

We  hold  that  each  and  every  law  or  act  of  iii- 
corporation  passed  by  preceding  legislatures  can  be 
•  rightfully  altered  and  repealed  by  their  successors, 
and  that  they  should  be  altered  or  repealed  when 
necessary  for  the  public  good,  or  when  required  by 
a  majority  of  the  people. 

Platform  of  1840.  —  On  Mav  5th,  1840,  the  fol- 
lowing platform  was  adopted  oy  the  Democracy,  in 
convention  assembled  at  Baltimore: 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  Federal  Government  is 
one  of  limited  powers,  derived  solely  from  the 
Constitution,  and  the  grants  of  power  shown  there- 
in, ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  depart- 
ments and  agents  of  the  government,  and  that  it  is 
inexpedient  and  dangerous  to  exercise  doubtful 
constitutional  powers. 

2,  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon 
the  General  GoVe'rniment  1?he  powigr  to  commenc-* 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  51 

and  carry  on  a  general  system  of  internal  improve- 
ments. 

3.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority 
upon  the  Federal  Government  directly  or  indirectly, 
to  assume  the  debts  of  the  several  states  contracted 
for  local  internal  improvements  or  other  state  pur- 
poses, nor  would  such  an  assumption  be  just  or 
expedient. 

4.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  Fede- 
ral Government  to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to 
the  detriment  of  another,  or  to  cherish  the  interests 
of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of  another  portion  of 
our  common  country;  that  every  citizen  and  every 
section  of  the  country  has  a  right  to  demand  and 
insist  upon  an  equality  of  rights  and  privileges,  and 
to  complete  and  ample  protection  of  persons  and 
property  from  domestic  violence  or  foreign  aggres- 
sion. 

5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  govern- 
ment to  enforce  and  practice  the  most  rigid  econo- 
my in  conducting  our  public  affairs,  and  that  no 
more  revenue  ought  to  he  raised  than  is  required  to 
defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  government. 

6.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a 
United  States  bank;  that  we  believe  such  an  institu- 
tion one  of  deadly  hostility  to  the  best  interests  ot 
the  country,  dangerous  to  our  Republican  institu- 
tions and  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  calculated 
to  place  the  business  of  the  country  within  the 


58  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

control  of  a  concentrated  money  power,  and  above  the 
laws  and  the  will  of  tlie  people. 

7.  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Con- 
stitution to  interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic 
institutions  of  the  several  States ;  and  that  such 
States  are  tlie  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything 
pertaining  to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by_ 
the  Constitution;  that  all  efforts  by  Abolitionists  or 
others  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with 
questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in 
relation  thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most 
alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all 
such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish 
the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  sta- 
bility and  permanence  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not 
to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  to  our  political  insti- 
tutions. 

8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  gov- 
ernment from  banking  institutions,  is  indispensible  for 
the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the  government  and  the 
rights  of  the  people. 

9.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jeffer- 
son in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanc- 
tioned in  the  Constitution,  which  makes  ours  a  land 
of  liberty,  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  every 
nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the 
Democratic  faith,  and  every  attempt  to  abridge  the 
present  privileges  of  becoming  citizens  and  the 
owners  of  st:)il  amongst  us,  ought  to  be  resisted  with 


Why  ice  are  Democrats.  59 

the  same  spirit  which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition 
laws  from  our  statute  book. 

[Here  follow  several  resolutions  as  to  a  candidate 
for  the  Vice-Presidency,  not  necessary  to  insert. 
—Ed.  J 


CHAPTEE  YIl. 

DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  1844-1848-1852-1856. 

18-14  —  RESOLUTIONS  ADDITIONAL  TO  PLATFORM  OF  1840  —  BAL- 
TIMORE PLATFORM,  MAY  32,  1848— BALTIMORE  PLATFORM, 
JUNE   1,  1852 — CINCINNATI  PLATFORM,   JUNE,  1856. 

The  entire  platform  of  A.  D.  1840  was  affirmed,  to 
which  were  added  the  following  resolutions: 

10.  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought 
to  be  sacredly  applied  to  national  objects,  specified 
in  the  Constitution,  and  we  are  opposed  to  the  laws 
lately  adopted,  and  to  any  law  for  fhe  distribution 
of  such  proceeds  among  the  states,  as  alike  inexpe- 
dient in  policy,  and  repugnant  to  the  constitution. 

11.  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from 
the  President  the  qualified  veto  power,  by  which  he 
is  enabled,  under  restrictions  and  responsibilities 
amply  sufficient  to  guard  the  public  interest,  to  sus- 
pend the  passage  of  a  bill  whose  merits  cannot  se- 
cure the  approval  of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  until  the  judgment  of  the 
^  -^ople  can  be  obtained  thereon,  and  which  has 
thrice  saved  the  American  people  from  corrupt  and 

vrannical  domination  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
St'ites. 
l\     That  our  title  to  the  who-le  of  the  territory  of 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  61 

Oregon  is  clear  and  unquestionable:  that  no  portion 
thereof  ought  to  be  ceded  to  England,  or  any  other 
power,  and  that  the  re-occupation  of  Oregon,  and 
the  re-annexation  of  Texas,  at  the  earliest  practical 
period,  are  great  American  measures,  which  this 
convention  recommends  to  the  cordial  support  of  the 
Democracy  of  the  Union 

Democratic  platform,  1848— Baltimore,  May  22. 

1.  That  the  American  Democracy  place  their 
trust  in  the  intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  dis- 
crimination of  the  American  people. 

2.  That  we  regard  this  as  a  distinctive  feature  of 
our  political  creed,  which  we  are  proud  to  maintain 
before  the  world,  as  the  great  moral  element  in  a 
form  of  government  springing  from  and  upheld  by 
the  popular  will;  and  contrast  it  with  the  creed  and 
practice  of  federalism,  under  whatever  name  or 
form,  which  seeks  to  palsy  the  will  of  the  constitu- 
ent, and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too  mon- 
strous for  the  popular  credulity. 

3.  That  entertaining  these  views,  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  Union,  through  the  delegates  assem- 
bled in  Genera]  Convention  of  the  States,  coming  to- 
gether in  a  spirit  of  concord,  of  devotion  to  the  doc- 
trines and  faith  of  a  free  representative  govern- 
ment, and  appealing  to  their  fellow  citizens,  for  the 
rectitude  of  their  intentions,  renew  and  re-assert, 
before  the  American  people,  the  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples avowed  by  them  on  a  former  occasion,  vvhen, 


63  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

in  general  convention,  they  presented  their  candi- 
dates for  the  popular  suffrage. 

[Here  resolutions  No  1,  2,  3  and  4  of  the  platform 
of  A.  D.  1840,  were  reaffirmed.] 

8.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  enforce  and  practice  the  most  rigid  eco- 
nomy in  conducting  our  public  affairs,  and  that  no 
more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to 
defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  government, 
and  for  the  gradual  hut  certain  extinction  of  the 
debt  created  by  the  prosecution  of  a  just  'and  neces- 
sary war,  [a  resolution  of  which  the  author  takes 
occasion  to  remark,  by  way  of  parenthesis,  could 
not  well  be  improved  to  meet  the  exegencies  of  the 
present  day.] 

Resolutions  numbers  seven,  eight  and  nine  of  the 
platform  of  A.  D.  1840  were  her*?  '"serted,  which  it 
is  unnecessary  here  to  repeat,  after  which  the  plat- 
form proceeds  to  resolve  as  follows: 

13.  The  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be 
sacredly  applied  to  the  national  objects  specified  in 
the  Constitution;  and  that  we  are  opposed  to  any 
law  for  the  distribution  of  such  proceeds  among  the 
states  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy,  and  repugnant 
to  the  Constitution, 

14.  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking 
from  the  President  the  qualified  veto  power,  by 
which  he  is  enabled  under  restrictions  and  respon- 
sibilities amply  sufficient  to  guard  the  public  inter- 
ests, to  suspend,  the  passage  of  a  bill  whose  merits 


Why  lue  are  Democrats.  63 

cannot  secure  the  approval  of  two-thj\'ds  of  the  Sen- 
ate and  House  of  Representatives,  until  the  judg- 
ment of  the  people  can  be  obtained  thereon,  and 
which  has  saved  the  American  people  from  the  cor- 
rupt and  tyrannical  domination  of  the  bank  of  the 
United  States,  and  from  a  corrupting  system  of  gen- 
eral internal  improvements. 

15.  This  resolution  was  a  simple  justification  of 
the  Mexican  war,  and  announced  no  distinctive 
principle  of  the  party,  and  so  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  were  resolutions  of  congratulations 
upon  the  results  of  axe  war,  and  the  duty  of  the 
government  toward  the  brave  soldiers  who  so  brave- 
ly did  their  duty  in  the  service  of  their  country  dur- 
ing that  war. 

The  eighteenth  resolution  extended  congratulations 
to  the  national  convention  of  the  Republic  of 
France,  and  their  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  free 
government  to  the  people  of  France,  but  enunciates 
no  new  principle  of  the  Democratic  party  properly 
within  the  scope  of  this  work,  and  consequently 
here  omitted.  The  only  principle  reiterated  is  that, 
*he  inherent  and  inalienable  rights  of  the  joeople,  in 
their  sovereign  capacity  to  make  and  to  amend  their 
forms  of  government  in  such  manner  as  the  welfare 
of  the  community  may  require. 

The  platform  proceeds  to  declare: 

That  in  view  of  the  recent  development  of 
this  grand  political  truth  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people,  and  their  capacity  and  power  of  self-govern- 


64  Why  lue  are  Democrats. 

ment,  which  is  prostrating  thrones,  ;ind  erecting 
republics  on  the  ruins  of  despotism  in  ih^^^  old  world, 
we  feel  that  a  high  and  sa,cred  duty  is  devolved 
with  increased  responsibility,  upon  the  Democratic 
party  of  this  country,  as  the  party  of  the  people,  to 
sustain  and  advance  among  us  constitutional  liber- 
ty, equality  and  fraternity,  by  continuing  to  resist 
all  monopolies  and  exclusive  legislation  for  the  ben- 
efit of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many,  and  by  a 
vigilant  and  constant  adherence  to  those  principles 
and  compromises  of  the  constitution,  which  are 
broad  enough  and  strong  enough  to  embrace  and 
uphold  the  Union  as  it  ivas,  the  Union  as  it  is,  and 
the  Union  as  it  shall  be,  in  the  full  expansion  of  the 
energies  and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progressive 
people. 

The  remainder  of  the  platform  of  A.  D.  1848,  was 
merely  laudatory  of  the  administration  of  President 
Polk,  expressive  of  confidence  in  his  capacity,  firm 
ness  and  integrity,  and  congratulations  upon  the 
success  of  his  administration, 

DEMOCRAriG       PLATFORM      OF       1852. — BALTIMORE, 

June  1. — Tliis,  platform  is  but  a  repetition  of  the 
first  nine  planks  of  that  of  A.  D.  1848,  and  then 
proceeds  as  follows: 

10.  Tliat  the  separation  of  the  monies  of  the 
government  from  banking  institutions  is  indespen- 
sible  for  the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the  government 
and  tlie  rights  of  the  people. 

11.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jef~ 


Why  ice  are  Democrats.  G5 

terson  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and 
sanctioned  in  the  Constitution^  wliich  makes  ours 
che  kind  of  liberty,  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed 
of  every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles 
i.r.  the  Democratic  faith;  and  every  attempt  to 
Clbridge  tht  privilege  of  becoming  citizens,  and  the 
owners  of  ihe  soil  among  us,  ought  to  be  resisted 
with  the  Sc;:.me  sp.^rit  that  swept  the  alien  and  sedi- 
tion laws  from  our  statute  books. 

13.  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Con- 
stitution to  interfere  witli  or  control  the  domestic 
institutions  of  the  several  States,  and  that  such 
states  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything 
appertaining  to  their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by 
the  Constitution;  and  that  all  efforts  .  .  .  made 
to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with  such  questions 
.  .  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming 
and  dangerous  consequences;  and  that  all  sucn  ef- 
forts have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the 
happiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  stabilit} 
and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be 
countenanced  by  any  friend  of  our  political  institu- 
tions. 

The  remainder  of  the  resolution  in  ti^»  platform 
of  A.  D.  1853,  is  but  a  repetition  of  ot^  ^I'S  already 
given,  or  relates  to  temporary  questions  not  within 
the  scope  of  this  work,  and  therefore  omit'-ed 

Platform  of  1856 — June  G. — The  platform  of 
A.  D.  185G,  adopted  at  Cincinnati,  June  Gth  of  that 
year,  is  the  most  comprehensive  of  any  that  had 


66  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

preceded  it,  embracing  all  the  leading  resolutions 
adopted  and  promulgated  by  the  Democratic  partj^ 
for  more  than  fifty  years  previous  thereto,  and  an. 
already  stated  in  the  previous  platforms  given  in 
this  work,  and  therefore  unnecessary  to  be  here 
again  repeated,  bui,  as  the  old  Whig  party  had 
within  the  previous  four  years  substantially  been  • 
dissolved,  and  the  so-called  American,  or  Know 
Nothing  party  had  been  organized  in  its  place,  rais- 
ing new  questions  and  issues,  the  convention  to 
meet  those,  added  the  following  resolutions  to  the 
platform,  and  this  it  did  in  the  following  language: 

"  Whereas:  Since  the  foregoing  declaration  was 
uniformly  adopted  by  our  predecessors  in  National 
Conventions,  an  adverse  political  and  religious  test 
has  been  secretly  organized  by  a  party  claiming  to 
be  exclusively  American,  and  it  is  proper  that  the 
American  Democracy  should  clearly  define  its  rela- 
tions thereto,  and  declare  its  determined  opposition 
to  all  secret  political  societies,  by  whatever  namt; 
they  may  be  called,  therefore  the  convention 
resolved, 

That  the  foundation  of  this  Union  of  States  hav- 
ing been  laid  in,  and  its  prosperity,  expansion  and 
pre-eminent  example  in  free  government  built 
upon  entire,  freedom  of  religious  concernment,  and 
no  respect  of  persons  in  regard  to  rank  or  place  of 
birth,  no  party  can  justly  be  deemed  to  be  National. 
Constitutional,  or  in  accordance  with  American 
principles,  which  bases  its  exclusive  organization 


Why  tve  are  Democrats.  67 

upon  religious  grounds  and  accidental  birth-place; 
and  hence  a  political  crusade  in  the  Nineteenth 
Century,  and  in  the  United  States  of  America, 
against  Catholics  and  foreign-born,  is  neither  justi- 
fied by  the  past  history  or  future  prospects  of  the 
country,  nor  in  unison  with  that  spirit  of  toleration 
and  enlightened  freedom  which  peculiarly  dis 
tingishes  the  American  system  of  popular  govern- 
ment." 

Here  follow  several  resolutions  to  be  found  in  the 
platform  of  A.  D.  1853,  on  the  subject  of  slavery, 
and  leaving  that  position  as  fixed  and  settled  upon 
the  basis  of  non-interference  by  Congress  in  the 
domestic  institutions  of  a  State.  In  order  to  meet 
distinctly  the  issue  on  which  a  sectional  party  liad 
arisen,  subsisting  alone  upon  slavery  agitation,  the 
Convention  adopted  the  following  additional  resolu- 
tions: 

1.  That  claiming  fellowship  with,  and  desiring 
the  co-operation  of  all  who  regard  the  preservation 
of  the  Union  under  the  Constitution  as  the  para- 
mount issue,  and  repudiating  all  sectional  parties 
and  platforms  concerning  domestic  slavery  which 
seek  to  embroil  the  States  and  incite  to  treason  and 
armed  resistance  to  law  in  the  Territories,  and 
whose  avowed  purpose  if  consummated,  must  end 
in  civil  war  and  disunion,  the  American  Democracy 
recognize  and  adopt  the  principles  contained  in  the 
organic  laws  establishing  the  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  as  embodying  the  only  sound  and 


':S  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

•safe  solution  of  the  slavery  question  upon  whicii 
the  great  national  'dea  of  the  people  of  this  whole 
country  can  repose  in  its  determined  conservation 
of  the  Union,  and  non-interference  of  Congress 
w^ith  slavery  in  the  Territories,  or  in  the  District  of 
Columbia. 

3.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  compromise  of 
1850,  confirmed  by  both  the  Democratic  and  Whig 
parties  in  National  Conventions,  ratified  by  the 
people  in  the  elections  of  1853,  and  rightly  applied 
to  the  organization  of  the  Territories  in  A.  D,  1854. 

3.  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  the  Demo- 
cratic principle  to  the  organization  of  Territories 
and  the  admission  of  new  States  with  or  without 
domestic  slavery  as  they  may  elect,  the  equal  rights 
of  all  the  States  will  be  preserved  intact,  the  original 
compacts  of  the  Constitution  maintained  inviolate, 
and  the  perpetuity  and  expansion  of  the  Union 
insured  to  its  utmost  capacity  of  embracing  in  peace 
and  harmony  every  future  American  State  that 
may  be  constituted  or  annexed,  with  a  Kepublican 
form  of  government. 

That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  people  of  all 
the  Territories  *  *  acting  through  the  legally 
and  fairly  expressed  will  of  the  majority  of  the 
actual  residents,  and  whenever  the  number  of  in- 
habitants justifies  it,  to  form  a  Constitution,  with 
or  without  domestic  slavery,  and  be  admitted  into 
the  Union  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality  with  the 
other  States." 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  69 

To  these  resolutions  others  were  added  upon  new 
subjects  not  indeed  then  agitated,  but  directing  a 
policy  to  be  pursued  in  regard  to  them  -whenever 
the  occasion  would  arise.  The  following  are  those 
resolutions: 

' '  That  in  view  of  the  condition  of  the  popular  insti- 
tutions in  the  old  world  and  the  dangerous  tenden- 
cies of  sectional  agitation  combined  with  the  at- 
tempt to  enforce  civil  and  religious  disabilities 
against  the  rights  of  acquiring  and  enjoying  citizen- 
ship in  our  own  land,  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is 
devolved  with  increased  responsibility  upon  the 
Democratic  party  of  this  country  as  the  party  of 
the  Union,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of 
every  State,  and  thereby  the  Union  of  the  States, 
and  to  sustain  and  advance  among  us  constitutional 
liberty,  by  continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies  and 
exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  at 
the  expense  of  the  many,  and  by  vigilant  and  con- 
stant adherence  to  those  principles  and  compro- 
mises of  the  Constitution  which  are  broad  enough 
and  strong  enough  to  em.brace  and  uphold  the 
Union  as  it  was,  the  Union  as  it  is,  and  the  Union 
as  it  should  be,  in  the  full  expression  of  the 
energies  and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progressive 
people. 

That  there  are  questions  connected  with  the 
foreign  policy  of  this  country  which  are  inferior  to 
no  domestic  question  whatever.  The  time  has  come 
for  the  people  of  the  Uniced  States  to  declare  them 


70  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

selves  in  favor  of  free  seas,  and  progressive  free 
trade  throughout  the  world,  and  by  solemn  mani 
festations  to  place  tlieir  moral  influence  at  the  side 
of  their  successful  example. 

That  our  geographical  and  political  position  with 
reference  to  other  States  of  this  continent  no  less 
tha.li  the  interest  of  our  commerce  and  development 
of  our  growing  power,  requires  that  we  should  hold 
sacred  the  principles  involved  in  the  Monroe 
doctrine.  Their  bearing  and  import  admit  of  no 
misconstruction,  and  should  be  applied  with  unbend- 
ing rigidity. 

That  the  great  highway  which  nature  as  well  as 
the  assent  of  the  States  most  immediately  interested 
in  its  maintenance,  has  marked  out  for  free  com- 
munication between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans 
constitutes  one  of  the  most  important  achieve- 
ments realized  by  the  spirit  of  modern  times,  in  the 
unconquerable  energy  of  our  people,  and  that  result 
would  be  secured  by  a  timely  and  efficient  exertion 
of  the  control  which  we  have  the  right  to  claim  over 
it;  and  no  power  on  earth  should  be  suffered  to 
impede  or  clog  its  progress  by  any  interference  with 
relations  that  may  suit  our  policy  to  establish  be- 
tween our  government  and  the  governments  of 
the  States  within  whose  dominion  it  lies;  we  can 
inider  no  circumstances  surrender  our  preponder- 
unce  in  the  adjustment  of  all  questions  arising  out 
of  it. 

That  ru  view  of  so  commanding  an  interest,  the 


Why  ice  are  Democrats.  7x 

people  of  the  United  States  cannot  but  sympathize 
with  the  efforts  which  are  being  made  Ijy  the  people 
of  Central  America  to  regenerate  that  portion  of  the 
continent  which  covers  the  passage  across  the 
inter-oceanic  isthmus. 

That  the  Democratic  party  will  expect  of  the 
next  administration,  that  every  proper  effort  will  be 
made  to  insure  our  ascendancy  in  the  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico, and  to  maintain  permanent  protection  to  the 
great  outlets  through  which  are  emptied  into  its 
waters  the  products  raised  out  of  the  soil,  and  the 
commodities  created  by  the  industry  of  the  people 
of  our  Western  vaiievs,  and  of  the  TTnion  at  large. 


CHAPTER  YIII. 

DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  1800-1864. 

CONVENTION  AT  CHARLESTON,  APRIL  23,  1860— DIVISION  IN  THE 
CONVENTION— HON  B.  F.  BUTLER— RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  MIN- 
ORITY—CHICAGO CONVENTION,  AUG.  29,  1864 — RESOLUTIONS 
—PACIFIC  RAILROAD— ACQUISITION  OF   CUBA. 

That  v^e,  the  Democracy  of  the  Union,  in  con- 
vention assembled,  hereby  declare  our  affirmance 
of  the  resolutions  unanimously  adopted  and  de- 
clared as  a  platform  of  principles  by  the  Democratic 
Convention  at  Cincinnati  in  the  year  A.D.  185G,  be- 
lieving that  Democratic  principles  are  unchangeable 
in  their  nature  w^hen  applied  to  the  same  subject 
matters;  and  we  recommend,  as  further  resolu- 
tions, the  follow^ing: 

insomuch  as  differences  of  opinion  exist  in  the 
Democratic  party  as  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
powers  of  a  territorial  legislature,  and  as  to  the 
powers  and  duty  of  Congress,  under  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  over  the  institution  of 
slavery  within  the  territories. 

3,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  abide  by  the 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  ^'-tates 
on  the  questions  of  Constitutional  law. 


Why  ice  are  Deniocrais.  "^Z 

3.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  af- 
ford ample  and  complete  protection  to  all  its  citi- 
zens, whether  at  home  or  abroad,  and  whether  na 
tive  or  foreign, 

4.  That  one  of  the  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a 
military,  commercial  and  postal  point  of  view,  is 
speedy  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  States;  and  the  Democratic  party  pledge 
such  constitutional  aid  as  will  insure  the  construc- 
tion of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Coast,  at  the  earli- 
est practicable  period. 

5.  That  the  Democratic  party  are  in  favor  of  the 
acquisition  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  on  such  terms  as 
shall  be  honorable  to  ourselves,  and  just  to  Spain. 

Here  a  resolution  was  adopted,  temporary  in  char- 
acter, and  the  platform  was  closed  by  the  follow- 
ing resolution; 

7.  That  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  true  interpre- 
tation of  the  Cincinnati  platform,  that,  during  the 
existence  of  the  territorial  governments,  the  meas- 
ure of  restriction,  whatever  it  may  be,  imposed  by 
the  Federal  Constitution  on  the  power  of  the  terrr 
torial  legislature,  over  the  subject  of  domestic  rela 
tions,  as  the  same  has  been,  or  shall  hereafter  be, 
finally  determined  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  respected  by  all  good  citizens 
and  enforced  with  promptness  and  fidelity  by  every 
branch  of  the  general  government. 

A  portion  of  the  convention  seceded  from  the  re- 
mainder, and  organized  in  another  hall,  over  whicii 


74  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

Hon.  B,  F.  Butler,  of  Mass.,  presi^'ed,  adopted  the 
following  resolutions  on  the  subjects,  in  contro- 
versy, viz. : 

1.  That  the  government  of  a  territory,  organized 
by  an  act  of  Congress  is  provisional  and  temporary, 
and  during  its  existence,  all  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  have  an  equal  right  to  settle,  with  their 
property,  in  the  territory,  without  their  rights, either 
of  person  or  property,  being  destroyed  or  impaired 
by  Congressional  or  territorial  legislation. 

2.  Tho.t  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Federal  government, 
in  all  its  departments,  to  protect  when  necessary 
the  rights  of  persons  and  properties  in  the  territor- 
ies, and  wherever  else  its  Constitutional  authority 
extends. 

3.  That  when  the  settlers  in  a  territory  having 
an  adequate  population  form  a  state  constitution  in 
pursuance  of  law,  the  right  of  sovereignty  com- 
mences, and  being  consummated  by  admission  into 
the  Union,  they  stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  thg 
people  of  other  States,  and  the  State  thus  organized 
ought  to  be  admitted  into  the  Federal  Union 
whether  its  Constitution  prohibits  or  recognizes  the 
institution  of  slavery. 

These  three  last  stated  resolutions,  compared  with 
the  resolution  number  seven  (7)  preceding  them, 
shows  the  difference  in  the  party  concerning  the  sub- 
ject of  permitting  or  prohibiting  slavery  in  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  United  States. 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  75 

The  rebellion  having  resulted  in  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  the  principles  were  never  required  to  be  ap- 
plied, and  there  the  contest  ended.  It  may,  how- 
ever, be  stated  as  an  historical  fact,  that  Congress 
has  ever  since  claimed  to  have  more  or  less  author- 
ity over  territories,  until  a  State  Constitution  has 
been  formed,  and  the  State  admitted  into  the 
Union. 

The  foregoing  resolutions,  however,  clearly  show 
the  view  of  the  Democracy  on  the  subject  of  the  re- 
lation of  territories  to  the  Union. 

Platform  op  1864— Chicago,  august  39. — That 
in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  we  will  adhere  with  un- 
swerving fidelity  to  the  Union,  under  the  Constitu- 
tion, as  the  only  solid  foundation  of  our  strength, 
security  and  happiness  as  a  people,  and  as  a  frame- 
work of  government  equally  conducive  to  the  wel- 
fare and  prosperity  of  all  the  States,  both  Northern 
and  Southern. 

That  this  Convention  does  explicity  declare,  as 
the  sense  of  the  American  people,  that  after  four 
years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by  the  experi- 
ment of  war,  during  which  under  the  pretense  of  a 
military  necessity  of  a  war  power  higher  than  the 
Constitution,  the  Constitution  itself  has  been  disre- 
garded in  every  part,  and  public  liberty  and  private 
right,  alike  trodden  down,  and  the  material  prosper- 
ity of  the  country  essentially  impaired,  justice,  hu- 
manity, liberty,  and  the  public  welfare  demand 
that  immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a  cessation  of 


76  Why  tve  are  Democrats. 

hostilities,  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  convention  of 
all  the  States,  or  other  peaceable  means,  to  the  end 
that,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment  peace  may 
be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  Federal  Union  of  all 
the  States." 

In  regard  to  this  resolution  it  should  be  remarked, 
that  it  has  so  often  been  mis-quoted  by  the  oppon- 
ents of  the  Democratic  party,  asserting  that  the 
resolution  declared  the  war  itself  a  failure,  that 
many,  doubtless,  still  believe  it.  Nothing  was  far- 
ther from  the  truth.  The  war  was  7iot  a  failure,  nor 
was  it  so  declared;  but  the  resolution  did  declare 
the  opinion  that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore 
the  Union  by  war,  some  efforts  should  be  made  to 
restore  it  by  peace.  The  war  itself  was  a  brilliant 
success,  but  great  as  it  was,  something  more  was 
necessary  to  restore  the  Union,  and  so  dear  to  the 
hearts  of  Democrats  was  that  old  Union  of  States, 
that  they  were  willing  to  try  every  possible  effort 
to  succeed  in  their  desires.  War  had  been  tried — 
hundreds  and  thousands  of  precious  lives  had  been 
sacrificed,  millions  upon  millions  of  money  had 
been  spent  —  and  the  Democracy  desired  to  supple- 
ment the  glorious  deeds  of  the  soldier,  by  the  wise 
and  calm  action  of  the  statesman. 

They  desired  to  show  to  those  who  had  gone  into 
rebellion  that  they  desired  them  to  return  to  their 
allegiance,  and  meet  once  more  around  a  common 
altar,  as  it  were,  to  do  by  wise  statesmanship 
what  war  had  thus  far  failed  to  accomplish.     These 


Wliy  ive  are  Democrats.  77 

and  other  arguments  had  their  desired  effect. 
President  Lincoln,  after  his  re-election  did  make 
such  overtures  to  the  rebel  authorities,  and  if  no- 
thing more  was  accomplished,  it  showed  the  people 
that  peaceable  means  would  be  used  to  restore  the 
Union,  and  if  these  should  fail,  they  would  continue 
to  resort  to  arms  witli  increased  vigor,  until  sucli 
time  as  the  voice  of  reason  and  of  peace  could  be 
heard.  True  it  was,  that  men  and  States  which 
claimed  to  be  Democratic  went  into  rebellion 
against  the  government  of  our  Fathers,  but  the 
same  is  true  of  those  in  the  South  who  had  opposed 
the  Democracy  during  the  best  years  of  their  lives, 
so  that  one  is  equally  to  blame  with  the  other;  but 
the  teachings,  and  principles,  and  traditions  of  the 
Democratic  party  were  never  opposed  to  the  Union. 
It  is  a  foul  slandar  upon  the  party  and  upon  the 
memory  of  its  best  and  *reatest  men;  and  no  one, 
not  a  demagogue,  or  a  mere  politician,  dishonest, 
and  intending  to  deceive,  or  totally  ignorant  of  the 
real  facts,  should  ever  think  of  making  so  grave 
and  groundless  a  charge." 

The  next  resolution  declared: 

2  That  the  direct  interference  of  the  military 
authority  of  the  United  States  in  the  recent  elec- 
tions held  in  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri  and 
Delaware,  was  a  shameful  violation  of  the  Consti- 
tution; and  the  repetition  of  such  acts  in  the 
approaching  election  will  be  held  as  revolutionary, 


78  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

and  resisted  with  all  the  means  and  power  under 
our  control." 

Next  comes  a  resolution  clearly  defining  the  aim 
and  object  of  the  Democratic  party  during  the  war 
for  the  suppression  of  the  Southern  rebellion,  which 
is  as  follows: 

3.  That  the  aim  and  object  of  the  Democratic 
party  is  to  preserve  the  Federal  Union,  and  the 
rights  of  the  States  unimpaired;  and  they  hereby 
declare  that  they  consider  the  administrative  usur- 
pation of  extraordinary  and  dangerous  powers  not 
granted  by  the  Constitution,  the  subversion  of  the 
civil  by  the  military  law  in  the  States  not  in  insur- 
rection, the  arbitrary  military  arrest,  imprisonment 
trial  and  sentence  of  American  citizens  in  states 
where  civil  law  existed  in  full  force,  the  suppression 
of  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  tht  denial  of 
the  right  of  asylum,  the  open  and  avowed  disregard 
of  state  rights,  the  employment  of  unusual  test 
oaths,  and  the  interference  with,  and  denial  of  the 
right  of  the  people  to  bear  arms  in  their  defense,  as 
calculated  to  prevent  a  restoration  of  the  Union,  and 
the  perpetuation  of  a  "government  deriving  its  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 

4.  That  the  shameful  disregard  of  the  adminis- 
tration to  its  duty,  in  respect  to  our  fellow  citizens 
who  now  are,  and  long  have  been,  prisoners  of  war, 
in  a  suffering  condition,  deserves  the  severest  rep- 
robation, on  the  score  alike  of  public  policy  and 
common  humanity. 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  79 

5.  That  the  sympathy  of  the  Democratic  part}'  is 
heartily  and  earnestly  extended  to  the  soldiery  of  our 
army,  and  the  sailors  of  our  navy,  who  are  or  have 
been  in  the  field,  and  on  the  sea  under  the  flag  of  their 
country;  and,  in  the  event  of  our  attaining  power,  they 
will  receive  all  the  care  and  protection,  regard  and 
kindness  that  the  brave  soldiers  of  the  Kepublic  have 
so  nobly  earned." 

This  was  the  platform  of  the  Democracy  during 
the  war,  and  have  they  not  faithfully  carried  out  their 
pledges  and  avowed  purposes  ever  since?  Has  a 
soldier  ever  suffered  any  diminution  of  his  pensions, 
because  they  have  term  after  term  held  the  popular 
branch  of  Congress  in  their  hands  ;  if  anything,  have 
the}^  not  exceeded  in  generosity  towards  their  oppo- 
nents, though  sometimes  a  majority  of  their  members 
of  Congress  came  from  the  States  once  in  rebellion  ? 
Let  the  history  of  the  legislation,  in  this  particular, 
furnish  a  complete  refutation  of  the  charge,  that  they 
have  been  in  any  sense  the  enemy  of  the  soldiers  for  the 
Union. 


cmAPTER  IX 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM  OF  186S. 

NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION,  NEW  YORK,  JULY  4TH,  1868 
— RESOLUTIONS  IN  RELATION  TO  THE  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS 
AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR — ARRAIGNMENT  OF  THE  RADICAL 
PARTY  —  PRESIDENT  JOHNSON  COMMENDED  —  CHIEF  JUSTICR 
CHASE   AND  THE  TRIAL  OF  IMPEACHMENT. 

"The  Democratic  party  in  National  Convention 
assembled,  reposing  its  trust  in  the  intelligence, 
patriotism,  and  discriminating  justice  of  the  people, 
standing  upon  the  Constitution  as  the  foundation 
and  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  government  and 
the  guarantees  of  the  liberties  of  the  citizen,  and 
recognizing  that  the  questions  of  slavery  and  seces- 
sion as  having  been  settled  for  all  time  to  come  by 
the  war  or  voluntary  action  of  the  Southern  States 
in  Constitutional  Conventions  assembled,  and  never 
to  be  revived  or  re-agitated,  do,  with  the  return  of 
peace,  demand, 

1.  Immediate  restoration  of  all  the  States  to 
their  rights  in  the  Union  under  the  Constitution, 
and  of  Civil  Government  to  the  American  people. 

2.  Amnesty  f'^r  all  past  political   offences,  and 


WJiy  we  are  Democrats.  8J 

the  regulation  of  the  elective  franchise  in  the  States 
by  their  citizens. 

3.  Payment  of  all  public  debt  of  the  United  States 
as  rapidly  as  practicable — all  money  drawn  from  the 
people  by  taxation,  except  so  much  as  is  requisite 
for  the  necessities  of  the  Government,  economically 
administered,  being  honestly  applied  to  such  pay- 
ment; and  where  the  obligations  of  the  Government 
do  not  expressly  state  upon  their  face,  or  the  la^^ 
under  which  they  were  issued  does  not  provide  that 
they  shall  be  paid  in  coin,  they  ought,  in  right  and 
justice,  to  be  paid  in  the  lawful  money  of  the 
United  States. 

4.  Equal  taxation  of  every  species  of  property 
according  to  its  real  value,  including  government 
bonds  and  other  public  securities. 

5.  One  currency  for  the  Government  and  the 
people,  the  pensioner  and  the  soldier,  the  producer 
and  the  bondholder. 

6.  Economy  in  the  administration  of  the  Govern- 
ment, the  reduction  of  the  standing  army  and  the 
navy,  the  abolition  of  the  Freedman's  Bureau,  and 
all  political  instrumentalities  designed  to  secure 
negro  supremacy;  simplification  of  the  system  and 
discontinuance  of  inquisitorial  modes  of  assessing 
and  collecting  internal  revenue;  that  the  burden  of 
taxation  may  be  equalized  and  lessened,  and  the 
credit  of  the  Government  and  the  currency  made 
good;  the  repealing  of  all  enactments  for  enrolling 
the  State  militia  into  National   forces  in  time  of 


82  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

peace;  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  upon  foreign  im- 
ports; and  such  equal  taxation  under  the  internal 
revenue  la  'vs  as  will  afford  incidental  protection  to 
domestic  manufactures,  and,  as  will  without  im- 
pairing the  revenue,  impose  the  least  burdens  upon, 
and  best  promote  and  encourage  the  great  indus- 
trial interests  of  the  country. 

7.  Reform  of  abuses  in  the  administration,  the 
expulsion  of  corrupt  men  from  office,  the  abrogation 
of  useless  offices;  the  restoration  of  rightful  author- 
ity to,  and  the  independence  of  the  executive  and 
judicial  departments  of  the  Government;  the  sub- 
ordination of  the  milita.ry  to  the  civil  power,  to  the 
end  that  the  usurpations  of  Congress  and  the  des- 
potism of  the  sword  may  cease. 

8.  Equal  rights  and  protection  for  naturalized 
and  native-born  citizens  at  home  or  abroad;  the 
assertion  of  American  nationality  which  shall  com- 
mand the  respect  of  foreign  powers,  and  furnish  an 
ample  encouragement  to  people  struggling  for  na- 
tional integrity;  Constitutional  liberty,  and  indi- 
vidual rights,  and  the  maintainance  of  the  rights  of 
naturalized  citizens  against  the  absolute  doctrines 
of  immutable  allegiance,  and  the  claims  of  foreign 
powers  to  punish  them  for  alleged  crimes  beyond 
their  jurisdiction. 

In  demanding  these  measures  and  reforms,  we 
arraign  the  Radical  party  for  its  disregard  of  right, 
and  the  unparalelled  oppression  and  tyranny  which 


Wliy  ice  are  Democrats.  83 

have  marked  its  career.  After  the  most  solemn  and 
unanimous  pledges  of  both  houses  of  Congress  to 
prosecute  the  war  excUisively  for  the  maintainance 
of  the  Government,  and  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  under  the  Constitution,  it  has  repeatedly 
violated  the  most  sacred  pledge  under  which  alone 
Avas  rallied  that  noble  volunteer  army  which  carried 
our  flag  to  victory.  Instead  of  restoring  the  Union 
it  has  so  far  as  in  its  power  dissolved  it,  and  sub- 
jected ten  States,  in  time  of  profound  peace,  to 
military  despotism  and  negro  supremacy.  It  has 
nullified  there  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  it  has 
abolished  the  habeas  corpus,  that  most  sacred  writ 
of  liberty;  it  has  overthrown  the  freedom  of  speech 
and  press;  it  has  substituted  arbitrary  seizures  and 
arrests,  and  military  trials,  and  secret  star-chamber 
inquisitions  for  the  Constitutional  tribunals;  it  has 
disregarded  in  time  of  peace  the  right  of  the  people 
to  be  free  from  searches  and  seizures;  it  has  entered 
the  post  and  telegraph  offices,  and  even  the  private 
vooms  of  individuals,  and  seized  their  private  papers 
and  letters  without  any  specific  charge  or  notice  of 
ajQfidavit  as  required  by  the  organic  law.  It  has 
converted  the  American  Capitol  into  a  bastile;  it 
has  established  a  system  of  spies  and  official  espoin- 
age,  to  which  no  Constitutional  monarchy  of  Eu- 
rope would  now  dare  to  resort;  it  has  abolished  tb'^; 
right  of  appeal,  on  important  Constitutional  ques- 
tions, to  the  supreme  judicial  tribunal,  and  threat 
ens  to  curtail   or  destroy  its  original  jurisdistioK 


84  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

which  is  irrevocably  vested  by  the  Constitution; 
while  the  learned  Chief  Justice  has  been  subjected 
to  the  most  atrocious  calumnies,  merely  because  he 
would  not  prostitute  his  high  office  to  the  support  of 
the  false  and  partisan  charges  preferred  against  the 
President. 

Its  corruptions  and  extravagance  have  exceeded 
anything  known  in  history;  and,  by  its  frauds  and 
monopolies,  it  has  nearly  doubled  the  burden  of  the 
debt  created  by  the  war.  It  has  stripped  the  Presi- 
dent of  his  Constitutional  power  of  appointment, 
even  of  his  own  Cabinet.  Under  its  repeated  as- 
saults, the  pillars  of  the  government  are  rocking  on 
their  base;  and  should  it  succeed  in  November  next, 
and  inaugurate  its  President,  he  will  meet  a  sub- 
jected and  conquered  people,  amid  the  ruins  of  lib- 
erty and  scattered  fragments  of  the  Constitution. 

And  we  do  declare  and  resolve  that  ever  since  the 
people  of  the  United  States  threw  off  all  subjection 
to  the  British  Crown,  the  privilege  and  trust  of  suf- 
frage have  belonged  to  the  several  states,  and  have 
been  granted,  regulated  and  controlled  exclusively 
by  the  political  power  of  each  state  respectively; 
and  that  any  attempt  by  Congress,  on  any  pretext 
whatever,  to  deprive  any  state  of  this  right,  or  in- 
terfere with  its  exercise,  is  a  flagrant  usurpation  of 
power  which  can  find  no  warrant  in  the  Constitu- 
tion, and,  if  sanctioned  by  the  people,  will  subvert 
our  form  of  government,  and  can  only  end  in  a 
single,  centralized,  and  consolidated  government,  in 


Wliy  ice  are  Democrats.  .         85 

which  the  separate  existence  of  the  states,  will  be 
entirely  absorbed,  and  an  unqualified  despotism  be 
established  in  place  of  a  Federal  union  of  co-equal 
states.  And  that  we  regard  the  re-construction  acts 
— so  called — of  Congress  as  usurpations,  unconstitu- 
tional, revolutionary  and  void. 

That  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  who  carried  the  flag 
of  our  country  to  victory,  against  the  most  gallant 
and  determined  foe,  must  ever  be  gratefully  remem- 
bered, and  all  the  guarantees  given  in  their  favor 
must  be  faithfully  carried  into  execution. 

That  the  public  lands  should  be  distributed  as 
widely  as  possible  among  the  people,  and  should  be 
disposed  of  either  under  the  pre-emption  of  home- 
stead lands,  or  sold  in  reasonable  quantities,  and  to 
none  but  actual  occupants  at  the  minimum  price 
established  by  the  government.  When  grants  of 
public  lands  may  be  allowed,  necessary  for  the  en- 
couragement of  important  public  improvements,  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale  of  such  lands,  and  not  the  lands 
themselves,  should  be  so  applied." 

The  next  resolution  was  one  simply  commending 
President  Johnson  for  the  many  contests  he  made 
while  President  in  behalf  of  Constitutional  govern-, 
ment. 

Tlie  remaining  resolutions  were  three  only,  the 
first  inviting  men  of  all  political  parties  to  unite 
with  the  Democracy  in  the  struggle  for  the  liberties 
of  the  people;  sympathy  with  the  workingmen;  and 
thanking  Chief  Justice   Chase   for  the  manner  in 


86  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

which  he  presided  so  impartially  over  the  court  oi 
impeachment  on  the  ti'ial  of  President  Andrew 
Johnson. 

While  the  Democracy  did  not  win  the  succeeding 
election,  the  discussion  of  the  questions  raised,  and 
the  arraignment  made  against  the  proceedings  of 
the  so-cali-^v^  Radical  Republican  party,  did  very 
much  in  filially  restoring  to  the  people  many  of 
their  rights  which  the  Democracy  claimed  were 
gross  usurpations  of  power,  and  flagrantly  unccn- 
stitutional;  and  in  every  instance,  in  cases  where 
the  parties  sought  relief  in  the  courts,  the  position 
of  the  Democracy  was  sustained,  by  the  United 
States  courts 


CHAPTER  X. 

DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  1872-187G. 

BALTIMORE  CONVENTION  OF  JULY  9TH,  1872,  ENDORSES  THE  PLAT 
FORM  OF  LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  HELD  IN  CIN- 
CINNATI, MAY  1st,  1872— platform  of  ST.  LOUIS,  MO.,  CON 
VENTION,   JUNE  27TH,    1876— PLEAS  FOR  REFORM. 

The  Liberal  Republicans  having  met  in  Conven- 
tion at  Cincinnati,  on  May  1st,  1S73,  the  Democ- 
racy, in  their  Convention  adopted  tlieir  resolutions 
as  essential  to  good  government.  The  resolutions 
which  thus  became  their  platform  in  that  Presiden- 
tial election  were  as  follows- 

1.  We  recognize  the  equality  of  all  men  before 
the  law,  and  hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  government 
in  its  dealings  with  the  people,  to  mete  out  equal 
and  exact  justice  to  all,  of  whatever  nativity,  race, 
color,  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political. 

2.  We  pledge  ourselves  to  maintain  the  Union  of 
these  States,  emancipation  and  enfranchisement, 
and  to  oppose  any  re-opening  of  the  questions  settled 
by  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution. 

3.  We  demand  the  immediate  and  absolute  re- 
moval of  all  disabilities  imposed  on  account  of  the 


88  Why  2ve  are  Democrats. 

rebellion,  which  was  finally  subdued,  seven  years 
ago,  believing  that  universal  amnesty  will  result  in 
complete  pacification  in  all  sections  of  the  country. 

4.  Local  self-government  with  impartial  suffrage 
will  guard  the  rights  of  all  citizens  more  securely 
than  any  centralized  power.  The  public  welfare 
demands  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  mili- 
tary authority,  and  the  freedom  of  the  person  under 
the  protecting  habeas  corpus.  We  demand  for  the 
citizen  tlie  largest  liberty  consistent  with  public 
order;  for  the  State,  self-government;  for  the  na- 
tion, a  return  to  the  methods  of  peace,  and  the  Con- 
stitutional limitations  of  power. 

5.  The  civil  service  of  the  Government  has  be- 
come a  mere  instrument  of  partisan  tyranny  and 
personal  ambition,  and  an  object  of  selfish  greed. 
It  is  a  scandal  and  reproach  upon  free  institutions, 
and  breeds  a  demoralization  dangerous  to  the  per- 
petuity of  Republican  Government.  We,  therefore, 
regard  a  thorough  reform  of  the  civil  service  as  one 
of  the  most  pressing  necessities  of  the  hour — that 
honesty,  capacity  and  fidelity  constitute  the  only 
valid  claims  to  public  employment;  that  the  offices 
of  the  government  cease  to  be  a  matter  of  arbitrary 
favoritism  and  patronage;  and  that  a  public  station 
shall  again  become  a  post  of  honor.  To  this  end,  it 
is  imperatively  demanded  that  no  President  shall 
become  a  candidate  for  re-election. 

6.  We  demand  a  system  of  Federal  taxation 
which  shall  ilot  unnecessarily  interfere  with  the  iiv 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  89 

dustry  of  the  people,  and  wliich  shall  provide  the 
means  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  Government, 
economically  administered,  the  pensions,  the  inter- 
est on  the  public  deht,  and  a  moderate  reduction 
annually  of  the  principal  thereof;  and  recognizing 
that  there  are  in  our  midst  honest  but  irreconcilable 
differences  of  opinion  with  regard  to  the  respective 
systems  of  protection  and  free  trade,  we  remit  the 
discussion  of  the  subject  to  the  people  in  their  con- 
gressional districts,  and  the  decision  of  Congress 
thereon,  wholly  free  from  executive  interference  or 
dictation. 

7.  The  public  credit  must  be  sacredly  maintained, 
and  Ave  denounce  repudiation  in  every  form  and 
guise. 

8.  A  speedy  return  to  specie  payment  is  demand- 
ed alike  by  the  highest  consideration  of  commercial 
morality  and  honest  government. 

9.  We  remem.ber  with  gratitude  the  heroism  and 
sacrifices  of  the  soldiers  and  oailor:  of  the  Republic, 
and  no  act  of  ours  shall  ever  detract  from  their 
justly  earned  fame,  or  the  full  rewards  of  their 
patriotism. 

10.  We  are  opposed  to  all  further  grants  of  lands 
to  railroads  or  otlier  corpuratious;  the  public  do- 
main should  be  held  sacred  to  actual  settlers. 

11.  We  hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  its  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  to  culti- 
vate the  friendship  of  peace,  by  treaty  with  all,  on 
fair  and  equal  terms,  regarding  it  alike  dishonor- 


90  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

able  either  to  demand  what  is  not  right,  or  submit 
to  what  is  wrong. 

12,  For  the  promotion  and  success  of  these  vital 
principles,  and  the  support  of  the  candidates  nomi- 
nated by  this  Convention,  we  invite  and  cordially 
welcome  the  co-operation  of  all  patriotic  citizens, 
without  regard  to  previous  affiliations." 

Thus  did  a  very  decided  and  respectable  portion 
of  the  Republican  party  secede  from  their  party, and 
announce  a  platform  so  nearly  consistent  with 
Democratic  principles,  that  the  Democracy  adopted 
it  as  their  own. 

P^ATFORM  OF  1876— St.  Louis,  Mo.,  June  27.— 
After  declaring  that  the  administration  of  the  Fed- 
eral government  was  in  urgent  need  of  immediate 
reform  in  all  its  departments,  the  convention  de- 
clared as  follows: 

"  For  the  Democracy  of  the  whole  country  we  do 
hereby  reaffirm  our  faith  in  the  permanence  of  the 
Federal  Union,  our  devotion  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  with  its  amendments  universally 
a,ccepted  as  a  final  settlement  of  the  controversies 
that  engendered  civil  war,  and  do  record  our  stead- 
fast confidence  in  the  perpetuity  of  self  govern- 
ment. 

In  absolute  acquiescence  in  the  will  of  the  major- 
ity— the  vital  principle  of  republics;  in  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority;   in  the 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  91 

total  separation  of  the  church  and  state,  for  the  sake 
alike  of  civil  and  religious  freedom;  in  the  equality 
of  all  citizens  before  just  laws  of  their  own  enact- 
ment; in  the  liberty  of  individual  conduct,  unvexed 
by  sumptuary  laws;  in  the  faithful  education  of  the 
rising  generation,  that  they  may  preserve,  enjoy 
and  transmit  these  best  conditions  of  human  happi- 
ness and  hope — we  behold  the  noblest  products  of  a 
hundred  years  of  changeful  history;  but  while  up- 
holding the  bond  of  union,  and  great  charter  of 
these  our  rights,  it  behooves  a  free  people  to  prac- 
tice also  the  eternal  vigilance  which  is  the  price  of 
liberty. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  rebuild  and  re-establish 
in  the  hearts  of  the  whole  people,  the  union,  eleven 
years  ago  happily  rescued  from  the  danger  of  a 
secession  of  states,  but  now  to  be  saved  from  a  cor- 
rupt centralism  which  after  inflicting  upon  ten 
states  the  rapacity  of  carpet-bag  tyranny,  has 
honey -combed  the  offices  of  the  Federal  government 
itself  with  incapacity,  waste  and  fraud;  infected 
states  and  municipalities  with  the  contagion  of  mis- 
rule; and  locked  fast  the  prosperity  of  an  industri- 
ous people  in  the  paralysis  of  "hard  times." 

Reform  is  necessary  to  establish  a  sound  curren- 
cy, restore  the  public  credit,  and  maintain  the  na- 
tional honor. 

We  denounce  the  failure,  for  all  these  eleven 
years  of  peace,  to  make  good  the  promise  of  the 
legal  tender  notes,  which  are  a  changing  standard 


92  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

of  value  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  the  non- 
payment of  which  is  a  disregard  of  the  plighted 
faith  of  the  nation. 

We  denounce  the  improvidence  which  in  eleven 
years  of  peace,  has  taken  from  the  people,  in  Fed- 
eral taxes,  thirteen  times  the  whole  amount  of  the 
legal-tender  notes,  and  squandered  four  times  their 
sum  in  useless  expense  without  accumulating  any 
reserve  for  their  redemption. 

We  denounce  the  financial  imbecility  and  immor- 
ality of  that  party,  which,  during  eleven  years  of 
peace,  has  n^ade  no  advance  toward  resumption,  no 
preparation  for  resumption,  but,  instead,  has  ob- 
structed resumption,  by  wasting  our  resources,  and 
exhausting  all  our  surplus  income;  and  while  annu- 
ally professing  to  intend  a  speedy  return  to  specie 
payments,  has  annually  enacted  fresh  hindrances 
thereto,  as  such  hinderance  we  denounce  the  re- 
sumption clause  of  1875,  and  we  demand  its  repeal. 

We  demand  a  judicious  system  of  preparation  by 
public  economies,  by  official  retrenchments,  and  by 
wise  finance,  which  shall  enable  the  Nation,  soon  to 
assure  the  whole  world  of  its  perfect  ability  and 
perfect  readiness  to  meet  any  of  its  promises  at  the 
call  of  the  creditor  entitled  to  payment.  We  believe 
such  a  system  well  devised,  and,  above  all,  entrust- 
ed to  competent  hands  for  execution,  creating  at  no 
time  an  artificial  scarcity  of  currency,  and  at  no 
time  alarming  the  public  mind  into  a  withdrawal 
of  that  vaster  machinery  of  credit  by  which  ninety- 


WTiy  toe  are  Democrats,  93 

five  per  cent  of  all  business  transactions  are  per- 
formed. A  system  open,  public,  and  mspiring 
general  confidence,  would  from  the  day  of  its  adop- 
tion bring  healing  on  its  wings  to  all  our  harrassed 
industries;  set  in  motion  the  wheels  of  commerce, 
manufactures,  and  the  mechanical  arts,  restore  em- 
ployment to  labor,  and  renew,  in  ail  its  natural 
sources,  the  prosperity  of  the  people. 

Reform  is  necessary  in  the  sum  and  modef  of 
Federal  taxation,  to  the  end  that  capital  may  be  set 
free  Irom  distrust,  and  labor  lightly  burdened. 

We  denounce  the  present  tariff,  levied  upon  nearly 
four  thousand  articles,  as  a  monster  piece  of  in- 
justice, inequality,  and  false  pretence.  It  yields  a 
dwindling — not  a  yearly  rising  revenue — it  has  im- 
poverished many  industries  to  subsidize  a  few.  It 
prohibits  imports  that  might  purchase  the  products 
of  American  labor.  It  has  degraded  American 
commerce  from  the  first  to  an  inferior  rank  on  the 
h'gh  seas.  It  has  cut  down  the  sales  of  American 
manufactures  at  home  and  abroad,  and  depleted  the 
returns  of  American  agriculture — an  industry  fol- 
bwed  by  half  our  people  It  costs  the  people  five 
times  more  than  it  produces  to  the  treasury,  ob- 
structs the  processes  of  production,  and  wastes  the 
fruit  of  labor.  It  promotes  fraud,  fosters  smug- 
gling, enriches  dishonest  officials,  and  bankrupts 
honest  merchants.  We  demand  that  all  custom- 
house taxation  shall  be  only  for  revenue. 

Reform  is  necessary  in  the  scale  of   public   gi- 


.  94  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

pense — federal,  state,  and  municipal.  Our  federal 
taxation  has  swollen  from  sixty  millions  gold,  in 
18G0,  to  four  hundred  and  fifty  millions  currency,  in 
1870;  an  aggregate  taxation  from  one  hundred  and 
fifty-four  millions  gold,  in  1860,  to  seven  hundred 
and  thirty  millions  currency,  in  1870 — or,  in  one  de- 
cade, from  less  than  five  dollars  per  head,  to  more 
than  eighteen  dollars  per  head.  Since  the  peace 
the  people  have  paid  to  their  tax-gatherers  more 
than  thrice  the  sum  of  the  national  debt,  and  more 
than  twice  that  sum  for  the  Federal  Government 
alone.  We  demand  a  rigorous  frugality  in  every 
department,  and  from  every  officer  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  put  a  stop  to  the  profli- 
gate waste  of  public  lands,  and  their  diversion 
from  actual  settlers  by  the  party  in  power,  which 
has  squandered  200,000,000  acres  upon  railroads 
alone,  and  out  of  more  than  thrice  that  aggregate 
has  disposed  of  less  than  a  sixth  directly  to  tillers  of 
the  soil. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  correct  the  omission  of  a 
Republican  Congress,  and  the  errors  of  our  treaties 
and  diplomacy  which  have  stripped  our  fellow- 
citizens  of  foreign  birthright  and  kindred  race,  re- 
crossing  the  Atlantic,  of  the  shield  of  American 
citizenship,  and  have  exposed  our  brethren  of  the 
Pacific  coast  to  the  incursions  of  a  race  not  sprung 
from  the  same  great  parent  stock,  and  in  fact,  now 
by  law,  denied  citizenship  through  naturalization. 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  95 

as  being  neither  accustomed  to  the  traditions  of  a 
progressive  civiHzation,  nor  exercised  in  liberty 
under  equal  laws.  We  denounce  the  poli(n^  which 
thus  discards  the  liberty-loving  German,  and  tole- 
rates a  revival  of  the  coolie  trade  in  Mongolian 
women,  for  immoral  purposes,  and  Mongolian  men, 
held  to  perform  servile  labor  contracts;  and  de- 
mand such  modification  of  the  treaty  with  the  Chi- 
nese empire,  or  such  legislation,  within  Constitu- 
tional limitations,  as  shall  prevent  further  importa- 
tion or  immigration  of  the  Mongolian  race. 

Reform  is  necessary,  and  can  never  be  effected 
but  by  making  it  the  controlling  issue  of  the  elec- 
tions, and  lifting  it  above  the  two  false  issues  with 
which  the  office-holding  class  and  the  party  in 
power  seek  to  smother  it. 

1.  The  false  issue  with  which  they  would  en- 
kindle sectarian  strife  in  respect  to  the  public 
schools,  of  which  the  establishment  and  support  be- 
longs exclusively  to  the  several  States,  and  which 
the  Democratic  party  has  cherished  from  their 
foundation,  and  is  resolved  to  maintain  without 
prejudice  or  preference  for  any  class,  sect,  or  creed, 
and  without  largesses  from  the  treasury  to  any. 

2.  The  false  issue  by  which  they  seek  to  light 
anew  the  dying  embers  of  sectional  hate  between 
kindred  peoples,  once  estranged,  but  now  re-united 
in  one  indivisible  Republic,  and  a  common  destiny. 

Reform  is  necessary  even  more  in  the  higher 
grades  of  the  public  service — President,  Vice-Presi- 


96  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

dent,  Judges,  Senators,  Representatives,  Cabinet 
officers — these  and  all  others  in  authority  are  the 
people's  servants.  Their  officers  are  not  a  private 
perquisite,  they  are  a  public  trust.  When  the  an- 
nals of  this  Republic  show  the  disgrace  and  censure 
of  a  Vice-President;  a  late  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  marketing  his  rulings  as  a  presid- 
ing officer;  three  Senators  profiting  secretly  by  their 
votes  as  law  makers;  five  chairmen  of  the  leading 
committees  of  the  late  House  of  Representatives  ex- 
posed in  jobbery;  a  late  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
forcing  balances  in  the  public  accounts;  a  late 
Attorney-General  misappropriating  public  funds; 
a  Secretary  of  the  Navy  enriched  or  enriching 
friends,  by  percentages  levied  on  the  profits  of  con- 
tractors with  his  department;  an  Ambassador  to 
England  concerned  in  dishonorable  speculations; 
the  President'^  private  secretary  barely  escaping 
conviction  upon  trial  for  guilty  complicity  in  frauds 
upon  the  revenue;  a  Secretary  of  War  impeached 
for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors — the  demonstra- 
tion is  complete,  that  the  first  step  in  reform  must 
be  the  people's  choice  of  honest  men  from  another 
party,  lest  the  disease  of  one  political  organization 
infect  the  body  politic,  and  lest  by  making  no 
change  of  men  or  parties,  we  get  no  change  of 
measures  and  no  real  reform.  All  these  abuses, 
wrongs  and  crimes — the  product  of  sixteen  years' 
ascendancy  of  the  Republican  party — create  a  ne- 
cessity for  reform,  confessed  by  the  Republicans 


WJiy  we  are  Democrats.  97 

themselves;  but  their  reformers  are  voted  down  in 
convention  and  displaced  from  the  Cabinet.  The 
party's  mass  of  honest  voters  is  powerless  to  resist 
the  80,000  office  holders,  its  leaders  and  guides. 

Reform  can  only  be  had  by  a  peaceful  civil  revo- 
lution. We  demand  a  change  of  system,  a  change 
of  administration,  a  change  of  parties,  that  tliey 
may  have  a  change  of  measures  and  of  men." 

The  two  remaining  resolutions  were  simply  com- 
mendatory of  Congress  for  curtailing  expenses,  etc., 
and  pledging  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  their  fam- 
ilies, the  protection  and  gratitude  of  the  people. 


CHAPTEE  XI 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM  OF  1880. 

CONVENTION  OF  JUNE  2^D,  1880,  AT  CINCINNATI — THE  PLAT- 
FORMS OF  EIGHTY  YEARS  SHOW  THE  CONSISTENCY  OF  THE  DEM  ■ 
OCRATIC  PARTY — THE  ONLY  POINT  OP  DIFFERENCE  BEING  THE 
TREATMENT  OF  THE  QUESTION  OP  SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRI- 
TORIES. 

The  Democrats  of  the  United  States,  in  Conven- 
tion assembled,  declare: 

First.  We  pledge  ourselves  anew  to  the  Consti- 
tutional doctrines  and  traditions  of  the  Democratic 
party,  as  illustrated  by  the  teachings  and  examples 
of  a  long  line  of  Democratic  statesmen  and  patriots, 
and  embodied  in  the  platform  of  the  last  National 
Convention  of  the  party. 

Second.  Opposition  to  centralization,  and  to  that 
dangerous  spirit  of  encroachment,  which  tends  to 
consolidate  the  powers  of  all  the  departments  in 
one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  form  of  govern- 
ment, a  real  despotism;  no  sumptuary  laws; 
separation  of  the  church  and  state  for  the  good  of 
each;  common  schools  fostered  and  protected. 

Third.  Home  rule;  honest  money,  consisting  of 
gold  and  silver,  and  paper  convertible  into  coin  on 


Wliy  ive  are  Democrats.  99 

demand;  the  strict  maintainance  of  the  public  faith, 
state  and  national,  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  only; 
the  subordination  of  the  military  to  the  civil  power; 
and  a  general  and  thorough  reform  of  the  civil 
service. 

Fourth.  The  right  of  a  free  ballot  is  a  right  pre- 
servative of  all  rights;  and  must  and  shall  be  main- 
tained in  every  part  of  the  United  States. 

Fifth.  The  existing  administration  is  the  repre- 
sentative of  a  conspiracy  only,  and  its  claim  of  right 
to  surround  the  ballot-boxes  with  troops  and  deputy 
marshals,  to  intimidate  and  obstruct  the  elections, 
and  the  unprecedented  use  of  the  veto  to  maintain 
its  corrupt  and  despotic  power  insults  the  people  and 
imperils  their  institutions.  "VVe  execrate  the  course 
of  this  administration  in  making  places  in  the  civil 
service  a  reward  for  political  crimes,  and  demand  a 
reform,  by  statute,  which  shall  make  it  forever  im- 
possible for  a  defeated  candidate  to  bribe  his  way 
to  the  seat  of  a  usurper  by  billeting  villains  upon 
the  people. 

Sixth.  The  great  fraud  of  187G-77,  by  which, 
upon  a  false  count  of  the  electoral  votes  of  two 
States,  the  candidate  defeated  at  the  polls  was  de- 
clared to  be  President,  for  the  first  time  in  Ameri- 
can history;  the  will  of  the  people  was  set  aside  under 
a  threat  of  military  violence,  and  a  deadly  blow  was 
struck  at  our  system  of  representative  government. 
The  Democratic  party,  to  preserve  the  countr}^  from 
the  horrors  of  civil  war,  submitted  for  the  time,  in 


100  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

the  firm  and  patriotic  belief  that  the  people  would 
punish  the  crime  in  1880.  This  issue  precedes  and 
dwarfs  every  other.  It  imposes  a  more  sacred  duty 
upon  the  people  of  the  Union  than  ever  addressed 
the  consciences  of  a  nation  of  freemen. 

Seventh.  The  resolution  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden  not 
again  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  exalted  place  to 
which  he  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  his  country- 
men, and  from  which  he  was  excluded  by  the  lead- 
ers of  the  Republican  party,  is  received  by  the 
Democrats  of  the  United  States  with  deep  sensi- 
bility; and  they  declare  their  confidence  in  his 
wisdom,  patriotism,  and  integrity  unshaken  by  the 
assaults  of  the  common  enemy;  and  they  furtheis 
assure  him  that  he  is  followed  into  the  retirement 
he  has  chosen  for  himself,  by  the  sympathy  and 
respect  of  his  fellow-citizens,  who  regard  him  as 
one  who  by  elevating  the  standard  of  the  public 
morality,  and  adorning,  and  purifying  the  public 
service,  merits  the  lasting  gratitude  of  his  country 
and  his  party. 

Eighth.  Free  ships,  and  a  living  chance  for 
American  commerce  upon  the  seas;  and  on  the  land 
no  discrimination  in  favor  of  transportation  lines, 
corporations  or  monopolies. 

Ninth.  Amendments  of  the  Burlingame  treaty; 
no  more  Chinese  immigration  except  for  travel, 
education,  and  foreign  commerce,  and  therein  care- 
fully guarded. 


W7iy  we  are  Democrats.  101 

Tenth.     Public  money,  and  public  credit  for  pub- 
lic purposes  solely,  and  public  lands  for  actual  set 
tiers. 

Eleventh.  The  Democratic  party  is  the  friend  of 
labor  and  the  laboring  man,  and  pledges  itself  to 
protect  liini  alike  against  the  cormorants  and  the 
conunune. 

Twelfth.  We  congratulate  the  country  upon  the 
honesty  and  thrift  of  a  Democratic  Congress,  which 
has  reduced  the  public  expenditures  ten  millions  of 
dollars  a  year;  upon  the  continuation  of  prosperity 
at  home  and  the  national  honor  abroad;  and  above 
all,  upon  the  promise  of  such  a  change  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  government  as  shall  insure  a 
genuine  and  lasting  reform  in  every  department  of 
the  public  service." 

Thus  Ave  have  sketched  the  platforms  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  for  a  period  of  eighty  years,  in  con- 
nection with  the  principles  avowed  by  those  emin- 
ent Democratic  statesmen,  who  served  in  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States,  before  it  was  the 
rule  to  meet  in  Conventions  and  nominatii  candi- 
dates, and  afterwards  when  nominations  were 
taken  out  of  the  hands  of  a  Congressional  Caucus, 
and  referred  to  a  convention  of  delegates  fresh  from 
the  people,  who,  in  that  capacity,  have  also  declared 
their  principles  and  purposes. 

A  perusal  of  these  platforms  demonstrates  the 
fact,  that  the  party  has  been  consistent  in  its  prin- 
ciples all  the  time  through  these   one   hundred  or 


102  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

more  years.  The  same  fundamental  principles  of 
free  government  have  ever  been  upheld  and  sus- 
tained, and  as  new  questions  arose,  these  have  been 
decided  by  an  application  of  the  same  old  Demo- 
cratic principles. 

Save  in  the  matter  of  the  treatment  of  slavery  in 
the  territories  there  has  been  no  radical  difference 
of  opinion;  and  with  the  abolishment  of  that,  by 
Constitutional  amendments  and  by  conventions  of 
the  people  of  those  states,  ratifying  the  same  and 
consenting  thereto,  that,  and  all  questions  growing 
out  of  the  same,  have  been,  so  to  speak,  adjudged 
by  the  party  to  be  settled  forever  never  to  be  agit- 
ated or  reopened  again;  and  from  thence  forward 
the  party  has  gone  on  in  the  advocation  of  these 
sound  and  wholesome  principles,  without  the  appli- 
cation of  which,  they  firmly  believe,  free  govern- 
ment cannot  be  maintained. 

These  principles  commend  themselves  to  the 
young,  who  are  about  to  form  opinions  to  guide 
their  future  political  actions  and  to  all  lovers  of 
free  government  throughout  the  world.  May  they 
find  a  deep  lodgment  in  the  public  mind,  and  con- 
tinue to  be  upheld  and  supported  by  good  men  and 
statesmen  everywhere,  until  their  permanency  shall 
be  questioned  by  none. 

Under  these  broad  and  liberal  views,  freedom  may 
go  on  to  expand  and  grow,  until  not  only  this  whole 
continent  shall  be  brought  under  their  benign  influ- 
ence; but  the  oppressed  and  down-trodden  of  every 


103  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

clime  and  nation  upon  the  globe,  shall  look  to  them 
as  the  beacon  light  to  guide  them  also,  to  a  higher 
and  nobler  destiny  than  that  which  now  seems  to 
enshroud  them  in  the  gloom  of  despair.  This  is  the 
ardent  wish  and  hope  of  every  American  Democrat. 
For  these  reasons  they  are  Democrats. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

FURTHER    PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    PARTY- 
STATE    RIGHTS  — THE    RIGHT    OF 
COERCION. 

A  QUESTION  ON  WHICH  OPINIONS  WERE  DIVIDED— ANDREW  JACKSON 
-THE  REPUBLICAN  THEORY  STATED  AT  THE  CHICAGO  CONVEN- 
TION—A GOVERNMENT  NOT  A  LEAGUE— THE  RIGHT  OF  SECES- 
SION A  SOLECISM— BUCHANAN  DENIED  THE  RIGHT  OF  SECESSION 
—THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  THE  PARTY  OF  CONCILIATION— THE 
QUESTION  OF  COERCION— DEMOCRATS  CALLED  "DISLOYAL" — 
HON.  JOHN  A.  LOGAN'S  VIEW— THE  DEMOCRATS  HAVE  NO  NEED 
TO  BLUSH  ON  THE  QUESTION  OP  COERCION. 

We  have  now  gone  through  with  a  brief  state- 
ment of  the  principles  of  the  Democracy,  as  ascer- 
tained from  the  expressions  of  leading  Democratic 
statesmen,  and  the  declarations  of  the  party  in 
their  National  Conventions. 

There  are  still  other  questions  which  have  become 
prominent  in  tlie  councils  of  the  party,  which  it  is 
deemed  necessary  to  more  fully  explain  and  enforce, 
giving  the  reasons  and  circumstances  under  which 
they  have  become  settled  as  Democratic  doctrines. 

To  a  very  great  extent  they  could  have  been 
settled  by  applying  the  declarations  of  prominent 
leaders,  and  of  the  resolutions  in  Democratic  plat- 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  105 

forms  to  their  solution;  but,  having,  to  some  extent 
been  tlie  subject  of  discussion  in  and  outside  of  the 
party,  we  have  conchided  to  give  a  separate  state- 
ment of  the  import  of  each,  together  with  the 
reasons  upon  which  founded. 

In  some  instances  they  assume  the  character  of 
defences  against  charges  made  by  the  opponents  of 
the  party;  and  in  others,  as  expositions  of  their 
views  upon  particular  questions  which  have,  more 
or  less,  been  the  subjects  of  discussions  within  the 
party  councils. 

They  will  be  treated  successively  to  as  full  an  ex- 
tent as  our  limits  will  permit,  and  can  be  equally  as 
strongly  relied  upon  as  the  fixed  and  settled  con- 
clusions of  the  party,  as  evidenced  by  the  utterances 
of  leading  members  of  the  party,  supported  by  its 
platforms  and  public  assemblies,  until  no  longer 
questioned. 

The  Principle  of  State  Rights.— The  rights  of 
the  States  under  our  Federal  Constitution  has  long 
been  a  question  discussed,  on  which  great  differ- 
ences of  opinion  have  arisen,  even  within  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  itself.  The  view  held  by  Andrew 
Jackson  is  the  one  always  prevailihg  in  National 
Conventions — the  only  body  having  power  to  settle 
the  question  for  the  whole  party,  viz:  That  the 
general  government  is  one  of  expressly  granted 
powers,  in  the  exercise  of  which  it  is  supreme.  That 
these  powers,  faithfully  and  vigorously  carried  out 


106  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

are  necessary  to  the  general  welfare  of  the  whole. 
That  all  powers  not  expressly  granted  in  the  Consti- 
tution to  the  Federal  Government,  in  the  language 
of  that  instrument  itself,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
and  to  the  people. 

The  Republican  party  at  the  time  of  its  organiza- 
tion planted  itself  upon  this  doctrine;  and  in  their 
platform  at  Chicago,  when  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
first  nominated  for  President,  they  passed  the  fol- 
lowing resolution: 

"■Fourth.  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the 
rights  of  the  States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each 
State  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic  institu- 
tions according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is 
essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  per- 
fection and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends; 
and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed 
force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  mat- 
ter under  what  pretext,  as  one  of  the  gravest 
of  crimes." 

So  thoroughly  had  this  Constitutional  doctrine 
engrafted  itself  upon  the  public  mind — found  utter- 
ance in  both  of  the  great  political  parties,  and  in 
their  platforms,  that  it  ought  to  have  been  acqui- 
esced in  by  all. 

The  National  Democratic  party  still  adheres  to 
that  idea.  It  is  unalterably  fixed  in  its  creed;  but  it 
has  not  appeared  in  the  Republican  party  platform 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  107 

from  that  [time  down  to  the  [present,  while  the  De- 
mocracy have  re-affirmed  the  same  upon  every  occa- 
sion. Ever  since  the  days  of  Jackson's  administra- 
tion has  the  question,  in  the  Democratic  party,  of 
the  right  of  secession  been  settled,  so  far  as  the 
power  of  a  national  party  convention  could  settle  it. 
No  matter  what  individual  members  of  the  party 
may  have  said;  no  matter  what  State  and  District 
Conventions  may  have  declared  on  the  subject,  the 
National  Convention  only,  of  a  national  party,  can 
settle  national  questions;  and,  therefore,  no  matter 
how  frothy  orators  may  "  fret  and  fume,  and  tear 
passion  into  tatters  "  over  a  "  secession  Democracy," 
the  record  proves  that  it  never  was  the  doctrine  of 
the  National  Democratic  party. 

The  Republican  party  has  frequently  announced 
with  a  great  flourish  of  trumpets,  that  our  Govern- 
ment was  not  a  league,  but  a  nation;  but  no  true 
Jackson  Democrat  ever  disputed  that  proposition  as 
he  understands  its  terms.  Jackson,  in  his  immortal 
proclamation,  said: 

"The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  then, 
forms  a  government,  not  a  league;  whether  it  be 
formed  by  compact  between  the  States  or  otherwise, 
or  in  any  other  manner,  its  character  is  the  same. 
It  is  a  government  in  which  the  people  are  repre- 
sented, which  operates  directly  on  the  people  indi- 
vidually, not  up.on  the  State;  they  retain  all  the 
power  they  did  not  grant.  But  each  State  having- 
expressly  parted  with  so  many  powers  as  to  con- 


108  Why  tve  are  Democrats. 

stitute  jointly  with  the  other  States,  a  single  nation, 
cannot  from  that  period  possess  any  right  to  secede, 
because  such  secession  does  not  break  a  league,  but 
destroys  the  unity  of  the  nation;  and  any  injury  to 
that  unity  is  not  only  a  breach  which  would  result 
from  the  contravention  of  a  contract;  but  it  is  an 
offence  against  the  whole  Union.  To  say  that  any 
State  may  at  pleasure  secede  from  the  Union,  is  to 
say  that  the  United  States  is  not  a  nation;  because 
it  would  be  a  solecism  to  contend  that  any  part  of  a 
nation  might  dissolve  its  connection  v/ith  the  other 
party,  to  their  injury  and  rain,  without  committing 
any  offence.  Secession,  like  any  other  revolution- 
ary act,  may  be  morally  justified  by  the  extremity 
of  oppression;  but  to  call  it  a  Constitutional  right  is 
confounding  the  meaning  of  terms,  and  can  only  be 
done  through  gross  error,  or  to  deceive  those  who 
are  willing  to  assert  a  right,  but  would  pause  before 
they  made  a  revolution,  or  incur  the  penalties  con- 
sequent on  a  failure." 

Herein  is  set  forth  in  the  plainest  terms  the  prin- 
ciples adhered  to  by  the  great  Democratic  party  of 
the  country;  and  to  charge  the  party  with  the  er- 
rors, mistakes,  and  crimes  of  those  who  disregarded 
the  teachings  of  their  party  is  so  grossly  unjust  that 
it  needs  no  further  refutation.  It  is  because  the 
Democracy  have  through  all  the  past;  through 
years  of  sectional  madness  and  party  strife  adhered 
in  conscious  integrity  to  those  views,  that  they  have 
been  denounced  by  enraged  sectionalists  —  North 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  109 

and  South — until  reason  has  been  again  enthroned, 
and  the  nation  can  see  where  they  have  stood  all 
these  years. 

They  constitute  the  only  party  which  has  a  rec- 
ord upon  this  question,  dating  from  its  first  incep- 
tion to  the  present  moment.  Democrats  opposed 
the  New  England  secessionists  who  held  the  Hart- 
ford convention  in  the  interest  of  northern  nullifica- 
tion and  secession;  they  opposed  the  South  Carolina 
nullifiers  at  a  later  date,  and  have  as  a  great  nation- 
al organization,  opposed  the  doctrine  at  all  times, 
under  all  circumstances,  and  against  all  persons, 
po  matter  whether  they  claimed  to  be  Democrats  or 
not.  But  it  may  be  said,  as  it  frequently  has  been, 
unjustly,  that  when  the  rebellion  was  first  organ- 
ized, a  Democratic  administration  did  not  do  its 
duty  to  suppress  it.  President  Buchanan,  elected 
by  southern  as  well  as  northern  votes,  denied  the 
riglit  of  secession.  He  was  a  representative  Demo- 
crat, and  he  said  in  his  message  of  December,  18G0: 
"  This  government  is  a  great  and  powerful  govern- 
ment, invested  with  all  the  attributes  of  sovereign- 
ty over  the  subjects  to  which  its  authority  extends. 
Its  framers  never  intended  to  plant  in  its  bosom  the 
seeds  of  its  own  destruction,  nor  were  they  guilty 
of  the  absurdity  of  providing  for  its  own  dissolution. 
It  was  not  intended  by  its  framers  to  be  the  baseless 
fabric  of  a  vision,  which  at  the  touch  of  the  en- 
chanter, would  vanish  in  thin  air;  but  a  substantial 


110  Why  we  are  Democrats, 

and  mighty  fabric,  capable  of  resisting  the  slow  de- 
cay of  time,  and  defying  the  storms  of  ages.  .  .  . 
In  short,  let  us  look  the  danger  fully  in  the  face; 
secession  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  revolution." 

Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  that  at  no  time,  even  the 
most  critical,  have  true  national  Democrats  either 
in  national  conventions,  or  by  their  chief  executives 
ever  countenanced  this  heresy  of  secession.  There 
is  therefore  no  reason  on  this  account,  why  a  man 
should  not  be  a  Democrat,  because,  as  such,  he  is 
compelled  to  subscribe  to  the  soundest  plank  ever 
put  forth  by  either  party  in  its  platforms,  on  the 
subject  of  the  relation  of  the  Federal  to  the  State 
governments.  We  are  Democrats  because  we  be- 
lieve in  the  doctrine  held  by  the  party  on  this 
most  important  question. 

Fanaticism  never  stops  to  reason.  Driven  by 
honest  impulses,  it  rushes  to  its  object  without  re- 
gard to  obstacles.  So  it  was  with  the  secession 
movement,  and  so  it  was  with  the  political  aboli- 
tionists of  the  North.  Driven  on,  they  ceased  not 
their  agitation  until  the  clash  of  arms  came.  Slav- 
ery went  down,  and  now  it  becomes  the  duty  of 
every  patriot  to  repair  the  injury  done  by  war,  and 
place  our  institutions  on  even  a  more  solid  founda- 
tion than  ever  before.  The  disturbing  cause  is  now 
removed,  and  it  is  time  for  sober  reflection  and  in- 
telligent action,  so  that  we  may  preserve  intact  the 
government  our  fathers  transmitted  to  us,  unim- 
paired, unchanged,  and  vigorous  as  it  came  from  the 


WJiy  we  are  Democrats.  Ill 

hands  of  its  founders.  To  do  this,  we  conscientious- 
ly believe,  the  great  Democratic  party  of  the  Union 
now  offers  the  best  means  by  which  this  can  be 
done.  It  reaches  out  into  every  section  of  this  great 
country;  it  stands  united  once  more  upon  these 
grand  principles  of  fraternal  union,  upon  the  basis 
of  the  Constitution,  the  just  rights  of  the  Federal 
government  undisputedly  granted  to  it,  while  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  States  are  equally  preserved  to 
them.  It  is  the  only  national  party  that  can  concili- 
ate the  angry  sections,  and  make  this  country  what 
the  sages  and  heroes  of  the  revolution  designed  it 
should  be,  a  sisterhood  of  States,  a  land  of  freedom, 
a  home  for  the  oppressed  of  all  lands. 

The  Right  op  Coercion.— It  has  been  said  by 
some  who  have  but  poorly  studied  the  formation  of 
our  government,  that  because  Democrats  opposed 
coercion  before  tlie  rebellion  commenced,  that  there- 
fore it  was  "a  disloyal  party,"  and  the  word  dis- 
loyal is  pronounced  as  if  it  was  a  horrible  thing  to 
hold  the  opinion  so  ably  set  forth  by  the  Fathers  of 
the  Republic,  and  by  all  sound  constitutional  law- 
yers and  statesmen  since  then.  Andrew  Johnson, 
Senator  from  Tennessee,  then  applauded  for  his 
opinions,  and  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party 
for  Vice  President  in  18G4,  elected  by  tliem,"_and 
afterwards  President  of  the  United  States,  held 
these  views.  He  said  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  on  December  18th,  1860:    "  The  Federal  gov- 


112  Why  ice  are  Democrats. 

ernment  has  no  power  to  coerce  a  state,  because  by 
the  eleventh  amendment  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  it  is  expressly  provided  that  you  can- 
not even  put  one  of  those  States  before  the  courts  of 
the  country  as  a  party.  As  a  State,  the  Federal 
Government  has  no  power  to  coerce  it;  but  each 
State  was  a  party  to  the  compact  to  which  it  agreed 
with  the  other  States,  and  this  government  has  the 
right  to  pass  laws,  and  to  enforce  those  laws  on  in- 
dividuals, and  it  has  the  right  and  the  power,  not  to 
coerce  a  State,  but  to  enforce  and  execute  the  law 
upon  individuals  within  the  limits  of  a  State." 

This  was  the  view  held  by  Hon.  John  A.  Logan, 
and  by  many  who  even  now  are  members  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  why  should  it  be  strange 
that  Democrats  announced  those  doctrines? 

They  did  not  deny  the  duty  and  power  of  the 
Federal  Government  to  enforce  its  laws  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet,  if  resisted. 

President  Buchanan,  in  his  message  to  Congress, 
on  January  8th,  A.  D.  1861,  says: 

"The  dangerous  and  hostile  attitude  of  the  States 
toward  each  other,  has  already  far  transcended  and 
cast  in  the  shade  the  ordinary  executive  duties, 
already  provided  for  by  law,  and  has  assumed  such 
vast  and  alarming  proportions  as  to  i)lace  the  sub- 
ject entirely  beyond  executive  control.  The  fact 
cannot  be  disguised  that  we  are  in  the  midst  of  a 
great  revolution.  In  all  its  various  bearings,  there- 
fore, I  commend  the  question  to  Congress,as  the  only 


Why  ive  are  Democrats,  113 

human  tribunal,  under  Providence,  possessing  the 
power  to  meet  the  existing  emergency.  To  them, 
exclusively  belongs  the  power  to  declare  war,  or  to 
authorize  the  employment  of  the  military  force,  in 
all  cases  contemplated  by  the  Constitution." 

Congress  might  then  have  taken  action.  The 
Republican  party  had  the  power  in  both  branches  of 
Congress,  by  reason  of  the  secession  of  Southern 
Senators,  who  left  the  Republicans  in  control  of  the 
Senate,  and  they  had  held  tlie  House  of  Representa- 
tives before  that  event  occurred.  No  person  ever 
doubted  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  pass 
laws  to  enable  the  President  to  defend  the  Union 
against  armed  rebellion. 

At  this  time  the  question  of  coercion  had  already 
passed  away.  The  Southern  States  had  seceded 
and  taken  forcible  possession  of  public  property, 
and  had,  themselves,  become  the  assailants.  To 
this  Congress  the  President  appealed  to  decide  the 
question;  but  though  the  Republicans  were  in  power 
in  both  branches.  Congress  shrank  from  its  duty. 
It  might  have  been  commendable  had  it  desired  to 
prevent  the  effusion  of  fraternal  blood,  and  restore 
the  Union.  Perhaps  that  might  have  been  their 
object;  still  the  duty  of  the  hour  confronted  it,  and 
they  shrunk  from  it.  Had  it  promptly  passed  the 
bill  to  enable  the  President  to  call  forth  the  militia, 
or  to  accept  the  services  of  volunteers,  as  Lincoln 
did  when  Congress  was  not  in  session,  it  might 
complain;   but  it  failed  to  do  so,  and  is  estopped 


114  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

from  charging  others  with  a  want  of  vigor  in  this 
respect. 

Why,  then,  charge  Democrats  with  dereliction  of 
duty,  when  its  own  chosen  party  legislative  power 
was  then  assembled,  and  failed  to  do  that  with 
which  they  would  now  blame  the  Democracy.  It 
was  his  duty  to  enforce  the  laws — theirs  to  pass 
them!  Then  how  absurd  to  blame  others  for  that 
which  they  were  guilty  of  themselves. 

This,  then,  is  a  brief  allusion  to  the  subject  of  co- 
ercion ,  and  the  exercise  of  military  power  to  sup- 
press the  rebellion,  and  there  is  nothing  in  it  that 
any  Democrat  need  blush  to  acknowledge.  These 
charges  are  only  made  to  divert  the  mind  of  the 
voter  from  the  real  questions  at  issue  between  the 
parties,  and  can  furnish  no  reason  whatever,  why  a 
man  should  not  be  a  Democrat  after  twenty  years 
have  passed  away,  and  almost  a  new  generation 
has  come  upon  the  stage  of  action. 

These  sound  views  of  the  Constitution,  and  con- 
victions of  patriotic  duty  in  those  trying  days  of 
our  national  peril,  should  induce  men  to  rally  under 
the  flag  of  Democracy,  and  place  in  power  those 
who  have  been  true  to  the  great  principles  of  free 
institutions,  upon  which  our  government  is  founded. 
Men  are  Democrats  because  they  believe  this  to  be 
their  duty. 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 
CARDINAL  DOCTRINES  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

THE  RIGHT  OF  PETITION— SHOULD  BE  JUDICIOUSLY  USED— NOT  TO 
BE  CONFOUNDED  WITH  PETITIONS  FOR  PARDONS— OR  FROM 
THE  ARMY— OR  THREATS  FROM  ANGRY  MOBS— PUBLIC  MEET- 
INGS AND  ASSOCIATIONS — THE  RIGHT  OF  PUBLIC  MEETING  AND 
ASSOCIATION  MUST  BE  GUARDED— POLITICAL  CLUBS  OF  FRANCE 
— THIS:  SUPREMACY  OF  THE  LAW— EVERY  CITIZEN  SUBJECT  TO 
THE  LAW  AND  ONLY  TO  THE  LAW— MARTIAL  LAW— "  HABEAS 
corpus" — MILITARY  SUBSERVIENT  TO  CIVIL  LAW— THE  WAR 
POWER- LIBERTY  OF  CONSCIENCE. 

The  Right  of  Petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances, 
is  a  right  conceded  and  sanctioned  by  Democvatic 
principles.  That  this  right  has  been  abused  is  no 
argument  against  its  proper  use.  When  it  is  made 
the  means  of  insulting  legislative  bodies,  and  of 
merely  consuming  much  valuable  time,  and  merely 
for  political  effect,  it  is  not  to  be  commended.  Still 
it  may  correct  many  wrongs,  and  the  foundation 
upon  which  the  right  rests  is  and  must  ever  remain 
inviolate.  The  people  deprived  of  this  right,  would 
immediately  degrade  the  real  sovereign — the  people 
in  the  eyes  of  the  servant — the  representative.  It  is 
as  necessary  a  right  as  that  of  free  speech  or  a  free 
press.     It  is  a  privilege  not  denied  by  Deity  itself, 


116  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

and  is  a  right  inherent  in  the  people,  or  wherever 
the  relation  of  inferior  to  superior  in  power  exists. 
How  much  more  proper  is  it,  where  the  real  sover- 
eign has  entrusted  his  authority,  for  a  brief  season, 
to  his  chosen  representative.  To  petition,  in  the 
Democratic  sense  of  the  word,  is,  simply  directing 
those  in  power,  in  what  their  constituents  conceive 
to  be,  the  discharge  of  their  duties.  When  consid- 
ered however,  in  the  light  of  a  possibility,  that  the 
servant  has  taken  the  oath  of  office,  and  his  sup- 
posed superior  facility  for  acquiring  necessary  in- 
formation, and  his  relations  to  his  oath  of  office, 
where  required  to  bind  his  conscience  as  such,  it  is 
of  doubtful  utility.  It  is  always  commendable 
when  resorted  to  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  in 
such  instance  is,  in  accordance  with  the  highest 
conception  of  free  government.  The  right  of  peti- 
tion here  spoken  of  is,  that  right  of  a  citizen  to  peti- 
tion the  law-making  power  for  a  redress  of  his 
grievances,  in  cases  where  he  conceives  it  is  his 
duty  to  make  them  known  to  those  who  are  entrust- 
ed for  the  time  being,  with  the  exercise  of  this  pro- 
portion of  the  legislative  power.  It  must  not  be 
confou  ided  with  that  of  merely  petitioning,  by  force 
of  numbers,  to  the  executive  in  case  of  pardons,  , 
which  is,  in  many  instances,  rather  the  subversion 
of  the  wholesome  execution  of  the  law.  So  also  pe- 
titions by  the  army  are  not  favored  in  free  govern- 
ments. So  carefully  is  this  right,  and  prerogative 
of  the  legislator  and  legislative  bodies  guarded,  that 


WJiy  we  are  Democrats.  117 

they  must  be  presented  in  accordance  with  the  rules 
of  legislative  bodies,  and  must  be  presented  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  true  spirit  of  the  privilege  grant- 
ed. When  presented  by  large  bodies,  accompanied 
by  physical  demonstrations,  either  of  crowds,  armed 
or  unarmed,  in  or  outside  of  legislative  halls,  they 
partake  of  the  nature  of  threats  and  intimidations, 
and  are  therefore  subversive,  rather  than  conducive 
to  the  well  being  of  a  free  people.  In  such  instances, 
the  demonstration  is  contrary  to  Democratic  princi- 
ples. Legislative  and  deliberative  bodies  must  be 
perfectly  free. 

Democrats  therefore  should  discriminate  between 
the  uses,  and  abuses  of  this  right  of  petition. 

This  right,  when  asserted  for  its  rightfully  intend- 
ed purposes,  is  a  right  never  to  be  surrendered. 
This  right,  when  subverted  is  annoying,  not  to  say 
absolutely  dangerous.  The  weakness  of  men,  of- 
times  induces  them  to  grant  their  signatures  to  pe- 
titions, rather  than  refuse,  and  thus  this  means  of 
informing  legislative  bodies,  is  rather  calculated  to 
confuse  than  to  direct.  Yet  when  it  is  considered, 
that  this  sacred  right  of  the  people  to  petition,  can 
in  no  event  do  harm,  especially  when  directed  to  a 
body  of  men  ordinarily  intelligent,  and  does  serve 
to  direct  public  attention  to  wrongs  and  grievances; 
as  well  as  to  support  measures,  countenance  and 
aid  public  servants  in  the  support  of  public  duties, 
it  becomes  a  privilege  that  can  by  no  means  be  de- 
nied. 


118  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

Public  Meetings  and  Associations. — Democracy 
favors  public  meetings  and  associations.  Closel}'' 
allied  to  the  right  of  petition  is  the  right  of  the  citi- 
zens peaceably  to  assemble  and  petition  their  public 
servants  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

These,  too,  may  become  dangerous,  and  laws 
may  be  passed  to  direct  and  control  them,  without 
in  anyway  infringing  upon  these  rights.  Their 
danger  may  be  seen  in  the  system  of  clubs  in  France 
during  the  Revolution. 

This  right  of  association  is  at  the  foundation  of 
the  existence  of  political  parties;  the  assembling  of 
Conventions;  the  conferences  of  churches;  and 
societies  for  the  purpose  of  mental,  physical,  social, 
religious,  improvement,  and  many  other  purposes 
are  of  this  character. 

The  principle  of  association  is  highly  conducive  to 
free  government.  It  is  educative,  conservative, 
and  preservative;  as  a  means  of  acquiring  political 
knowledge  it  is  scarcely  excelled.  It  tends  towards 
conservatism  in  government,  because  all  phases 
of  public  questions  are  therein  discussed,  and  it  is 
preservative  of  the  liberties  of  the  people,  because  it 
gives  the  people  the  opportunity  to  hear  and  discuss 
measures  designed  for  their  general  welfare. 

The  Democratic  party  was  the  first  to  break  off 
from  the  old  system  of  Congressional  nominations 
for  President,  and  to  organize  a  new  tribunal — a 
Convention  of  the  people — to  place  in  nomination 
candidates; 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  119 

The  organization  of  a  National  Convention  by  the 
Democracy,  led  to  similar  Conventions  by  all  par- 
ties, and  for  all  political  and  civil  divisions;  until 
no  movement  is  now  carried  on  successfully  unless 
a  meeting  of  those  who  sympathize  with  each  other 
on  public,  or,  in  fact,  any  other  class  of  questions 
or  purposes,  is  first  held  to  proclaim  their  purposes, 
and  appoint  their  committees,  by  which  these  organ- 
izations are  perpetuated  and  made  effective.  Strike 
down  this  principle,  and  the  American  people  would 
soon  lose  that  self-reliance,  energy,  and  power, 
necessary  to  the  successful  administration  of  public 
affairs. 

It  is  the  spirit  of  Democracy  itself,  exemplified; 
without  it  free  government  could  not  exist. 

The  Supremacy  of  the  Law.  —  Every  citizen 
must  be  subject  to  the  law;  that  is,  he  must  be  sub- 
ject to  nothing  else  than  the  law.  Ail  exercise  of 
arbitrary  or  mob  law  is  contrary  to  Democratic 
principles.  The  law  must  be  the  only  and  universal 
rule  of  conduct,  to  which  all  must  bow  with  equal 
and  proper  submission.  It  must  not  be  an  ex  post 
facto,  law,  but  published  to  the  world.  All  must 
have  an  opportunity  to*  obey  it,  and,  consequently, 
must  be  presumed  to  have  knowledge  of  it — that  isj 
the  law  must  be  made  before  the  case  arises  td 
which  it  is  applied.  Fairness  demands  this.  There 
must  be  no  extraordinary   courts  or    government 


120  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

commissions  organized  for  special  cases,  or  to  bene- 
fit special  parties. 

There  can  be  no  mere  proclamations  of  executive 
officers;  dictations  from  mobs,  nor  as  a  unter  de- 
clara,  ''  from  any  people  who  claim  to  be  alone  the 
people,  except  in  their  legally  organized  and  organic 
capacity." 

Martial  law  can,  therefore,  not  be  declared,  and 
citizens  not  subject  to  military  duty,  or  actually  in 
the  military  service  tried  for  alleged  offences,  by 
virtue  of  such  proclamations,  declarations,  or 
orders,  "  except  in  cases  where  rebellion  exists." 

It  is  sometimes  said  this  can  be  done  ivhen  rebel- 
lion exists;  but  according  to  tlie  Democratic  inter- 
pretation of  the  provision,  and  Democratic  prin- 
ciples, martial  law  can  only  be  properly  and  justly 
declared  ivhere  rebellion  exists. 

When  the  civil  courts  are  open,  and  offenders  can 
be  tried  in  the  usual  way  according  to  the  forms  of 
the  civil  law,  there  can  be  no  necessity  for  military 
courts. 

This  principle  involves  the  suspension  of  the 
great  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  and  on  this  point  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares  that  "the 
privilege  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  shall  not  be 
suspende  1,  unless,  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  in- 
vasion, the  public  safety  may  require  it." 

The  abverb  when  is  here  used  as  to  time,  mstead 
of  tvhere,  as  to  place;  however,  as  it  is  qualified  by 
giving  the  reasons  therefor,  viz  :  when  "  the  public 


IVhy  we  are  Democrats.  121 

safety  requires  it " — and  being  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  "public  safety"  would  not  require  such  ex- 
treme measures  in  all  parts  of  the  country  at  the 
same  time,  more  especially  so,  where  the  courts  are 
open  and  prepared  to  execute  law  by  the  usual  civil 
process,  the  practice  has  been  in  conformity  to  the 
rule  here  laid  down,  to  suspend  the  writ  only  in 
such  districts  of  the  country  as  was  required  to  sub- 
serve the  public  welfare. 

It  may  be  said  that  even  this  provision  of  the 
Constitution  authorizes  arbitrary  proceedings,  and 
may  be  in  violation  of  a  Democratic  principle;  but 
it  must  be  remembered  that  another  principle  here 
comes  to  the  relief  of  freemen. 

Dr.  Francis  Leiber,  in  his  work  on  Civil  Liberty, 
says  "that  the  principle  of  '  the  Supremacy  of  the 
Law,'  leads  to  a  principle  that  has  never  been  at- 
tempted to  be  transplanted  from  soil  inhabited  by 
Anglican  people,  but  has  been  in  our  system  of  a 
thorough  government  of  law,  as  distinguished  from 
a  government  of  functionaries,  and  that  is  this: 
Every  officer,  high  or  low,  remains  personally 
answ^erable  to  the  person  affected,  for  the  legality 
of  the  act  he  executes,  no  matter  whether  his  law- 
ful superior  orders  it  or  not.  If  it  be  illegal,  the 
person  who  executes  it  remains  responsible  for  the 
act,  although  the  President  or  a  king  should  have 
ordered  it;  or  the  offending  person  be  a  soldier  obey- 
ing his  commander." 

This  is  a  stern  law,  but  a  sacred  Democratic  prin- 


123  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

ciple.  A  strict  government  of  law  cannot  dispense 
with  it,  and  it  has  worked  well.  It  secures  to  the 
fullest  extent  the  rights  of  the  citizen. 

The  Military   Subservient  to  the  Civil  Law. 

Governments  have  it  in  their  power  to  worry  people 
into  submission  when  the  rights  of  the  private  citi- 
zen is  concerned.  One  of  the  means  resorted  to  has 
been,  that  of  quartering  soldiers  upon  disaffected  or 
obnoxious  citizens.  To  guard  the  citizen  against 
a  violation  of  his  rights  to  a  peaceable  and  quiet 
home,  the  following  limitation  upon  government, 
has  been  placed  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  providing  that  "no  soldier  shall,  in  time  of 
peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  man- 
ner prescribed  by  law." 

This  safeguard,  although  justly  pointed  out,  is  but 
a  part  of  the  more  general  one,  that  the  military 
power  of  a  state  must  be  submissive  to  the  civil 
authorities.  It  is  a  Democratic  principle,  to  jealous- 
1}^  guard  the  rights  of  the  people  against  the  usur- 
pations of  the  military  authorities.  Ever  since  free 
governments  have  fiad  an  existence,  it  has  been 
found  necessary,  in  various  ways,  to  prevent  the 
army  from  becoming  independent  of  the  legislative 
authority.  There  is  no  liberty,  for  one  who  has 
been  educated  in  the  Democratic  school,  where 
there  is  not  a  perfect  submission  of  the  army  to  the 
legislature  of  the  people.    For  these  purposes  appro- 


Why  we  are  Democrats,  123 

priations  are  made  for  the  army,  for  only  brief  peri- 
ods. The  legislature — the  popular  branch  thereof, 
especially,  must  have  control  of  the  purse  of  the  na- 
tion. In  no  case  must  they  who  hold  the  sword  of 
a  people,  also  control  their  treasury.  The  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  it  is  true,  makes  the 
President  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  army,  but  he 
cannot  enlist  a  man,  or  pay  a  soldier  unless  in  pur- 
suance of  law;  and  his  attempt  to  do  so,  would  sub- 
ject him  to  impeachment  by  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  and  removal  from  office  by  the  Senate. 
The  importance  of  this  principle,  the  dependence  of 
the  army  upon  the  civil  powder,  cannot  be  too  strong- 
ly impressed  upon  the  people.  It  was  one  of  the 
grievances  alleged  against  the  British  Crown  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  that  it  had  attempted 
to  render  the  military  independent  of  and  superior 
to,  the  civil  power.  Standing  armies  are  always 
dangerous  to  civil  liberty,  because  usually  depending 
upon  executive  power.  They  infuse  into  a  whole 
nation  a  spirit  directly  opposite  to  the  general  spirit 
of  a  free  people  devoted  to  self-government. 

A  nation  of  freemen  should  stand  committed  to 
obedience  to  law;  an  army  teaches  obedience  to 
"orders."  Self  sustaining  law  and  order  ought  to 
pervade  a  free  people;  simple  command  rules  the 
army.  It  makes  no  difference  whether  an  army  is 
"Democratic"  or  not.  The  danger  is  only  so  much 
greater,  when  the  army  is  a  part  of  the  people.  No 
better  illustrations  can  be  found  of  this^danger  than 


124  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

in  the  past  history  of  France.  The  principle  of  entire 
submission  of  the  army  to  the  civil  power,  is  one 
that  should  never  be  lost  sight  of  by  a  Democratic 
free  people. 

The  War  Power. — Democracy  teaches  that  the 
power  to  declare  war  must,  like  the  power  to  raise 
revenue,  remain  with  the  immediate  representatives 
of  the  people.  The  executive  would  be  a  dangerous 
repository  of  this  power.  If  the  funds  of  the 
people  should  be  alone  controlled  by  them,  how 
much  more  should  both  the  lives  and  money  be  re- 
tained. 

The  people  cannot  be  said  to  be  free  when  this 
power  is  surrendered  by  them,  into  other  than  their 
own  hands.  They  must  fight  their  own  battles; 
they  must  furnish  the  means  to  carry  on  the  war; 
and  they  alone  should  have  the  authority  to  com- 
mence hostilities. 

"  When  the  executive  power  has  not  only  the 
nominal,  but  the  real  power  of  declaring  war,"  says 
Dr.  Leiber,  "  we  cannot  speak  of  civil  liberty  or 
self-government;"  for  that  which  most  essentially 
affects  the  people  in  all  their  relations,  is  in  that 
case  beyond  their  control. 

Liberty  of  Conscience.— Liberty  of  Conscience 
—the  right  to  worship  as  man  pleases — is  a  funda- 
mental Democratic  principle.  No  system  of  liberty 
is  perfect  without  this  right.     Church  and  state  in 


Why  tee  are  Democrats.  125 

a  system  of  Democratic'  free  government  are  en- 
tirely separate.  This  principle  forbids  civil  govern- 
ment from  founding  or  endowing  churches,  or  de- 
manding a  religious  qualification  for  office  under 
such  government. 

This  principle  is  not  hostile  to  religion;  but  if  one 
sect,  or  denomination,  or  church,  could  be  upheld, 
another  could  be  persecuted  or  destroyed.  No  wor- 
ship can  be  interfered  with,  and  none  can  be  estab- 
lished by  law.  Calamitous  consequences  might 
easily  follow,  if  this  right  were  not  strictly  main- 
tained. 


CHAPTEE  XiY. 

PERSONAL  LIBERTY— PRIVATE  PROPERTY- 
FREE  COMMUNICATIONS. 

"EVERY  man's  home  HIS  CASTLE"— '*  NO  GENERAL  WARRANTS 
SHALL  BE  issued"— NO  EXCESSIVE  BAIL— NO  POLITICAL  OF- 
FENSE— COUNSEL  FOR  THE  ACCUSED — PRIVATE  PROPERTY — 
DEMOCRACY  DEMANDS  THE  FULLEST  FREEDOM  TO  POSSESS 
AND  ENJOY  PROPERTY'— PUBLIC  FUNDS— PUBLICITY  OF  PUBLIC 
BUSINESS— FREEDOM  OF   ELECTIONS— FREE  COMMUNCATIONS. 

It  is  impossible  to  imagine  liberty  in  all  its  full- 
ness, if  the  people  are  not  entirely  independent. 
They  must  not  be  coerced  into  measures  by  execu- 
tive or  military  power.  Their  agents  must  be  free 
from  arrests  w^hile  in  attendance  upon  legislative 
assemblies.  No  influence  from  without,  besides 
that  freely  acknowledged  justice,  fairness  and  mo- 
rality must  be  admitted  into  their  councils.  The 
legislative  power  must  not  be  dictated  to  by  any 
power.  We  must  allow  no  entangling  alliances 
with  foreign  nations,  whereby  they  may  dictate  the 
laws  of  our  own  land. 

Individual  liberty  requires  strong  guarantees,  and 
among  these  there  is  none  more  important  than  the 
guarantee  of  the  great  habeas  corpus,  whereby  any 
citizen  may  compel  any  court  to  immediately  in- 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  127 

quire  into  the  legality  of  his  arrest,  and  be  restored 
to  liberty  if  it  be  found  he  is  illegally  held. 

That  the  individual  must  have  guarantees  against 
the  repository  of  power,  is  one  of  the  elementary 
principles  of  Democracy.  Thus  it  is,  that  we  have 
the  maxims,  "  Every  man's  house  is  his  castle," 
"general  warrants  shall  not  be  issued,"  and  the 
"writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended." 

Every  man's  house  is  his  castle.     No  one   cc  / 
enter  the  same   save  by  the  writs  of  the  law. 
w^riter  once  said,  "  It  may  be  a  straw  built  hut;  the 
wind  may  whistle  around  it;  the  rain  may  enter  it; 
but  even  the  king,  the  government  may  not." 

It  is  a  bold  declaration  against  a  mere  police  gov- 
ernment; and  an  acknowledgment  of  individual 
security,  as  opposed  to  governmental  power,  which 
dignifies  this  guarantee. 

No  general  warrants  shall  issue.  The  Constitu- 
tion declares  "  no  warrants  shall  issue  but  upon 
probable  cause  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and 
particularly  describing  the  place  to  be  searched  and 
the  person  or  things  to  be  seized."  This  directly 
opposes  police  searches  and  seizures,  which  must 
be  done  only  in  pursuance  of  particular  warrants. 

Again,  the  great  writ  of  habeas  corpus  secures 
the  citizen  against  unjust  imprisonment,  and  long 
delay  of  trial.  At  the  demand  of  the  accused  he 
must  be  immediately  brought  before  a  court,  who 
may  liberate  him,  admit  him  to  bail,  or  remand  him 
upon  the  proper  showing  being  made.   "  it  allows  of 


128  iVhy  we  are  Democrats. 

no  administrative  arrests."  It  proclaims  against 
the  arrests  of  "  suspects."  It  demands  a  speedy- 
trial.  These  are  fundamental  Democratic  princi- 
ples^ and  principles  potent  as  guarantees  of  personal 
liberty. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required.  A  man  is 
held  to  be  innocent  until  he  is  proved  guilty.  If 
judges  could  demand  exorbitant  bail,  they  might 
defeat  this  wholesome  principle. 

It  should  be  noted,  that  trials  by  impeachment, 
are  not  trials  for  treason.  Impeachment  is  a  trial 
for  political  incapacity,  hence  by  the  Senate  gener- 
ally, upon  presentment  by  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. 

A  well  secured  penal  trial;  protection  to  indicted 
persons;  certainty  of  defence;  a  distinct  indictment 
charging  a  distinct  act,  which  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
government  to  prove,  and  not  the  duty  of  the 
prisoner  to  prove  his  innocence;  the  fairness  of  the 
trial  of  the  prisoner,  by  a  jury  of  his  peers,  accord- 
ing to  the  usual  sound  rules  of  evidence;  the  pub- 
licity of  the  trial  by  accusatorial  not  inquisitorial 
process  of  trials;  certainty  of  the  law;  speedy,  im- 
partial and  absolute  verdicts. 

The  reason  for  these  rules  is  obvious.  The  party 
accused  forms  one  party;  society,  the  State,  the 
government,  forms  the  other.  It  is  clear  that  un- 
less very  strong,  distinct  guarantees  of  protection 
are  afforded,  that  the  accused  has  a  fair  and  im- 
partial trial  by  Jury,   that  nothing    be    adjudged 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  129 

against  him  but  what  the  kiw  already  demands, 
there  can  be  no  security  against  oppression. 

Government  being  the  custodian  of  power,  and 
power  being  always  desirous  of  carrying  its  point — 
the  desire  increasing  in  intensity  as  difficulties  are 
in  its  way-there  is  no  better  security  than  that  which 
places  the  whole  burden  upon  the  accusing  party. 

Democracy  is  so  jealous  of  the  personal  liberty 
of  the  individual,  that  it  demands  these  securities 
against  arbitrary  power. 

Democratic  principles  demand  that  there  be  no 
such  a  thing  as  a  "  political  offence." 

It  follows  that  a  well  regulated  penal  trial  must 
be  had  —  the  individual  being  placed  opposite  to 
public  power — a  carefully  organized  trial  for  trea- 
son, well  defined,  is  absolutely  necessary.  There 
the  rule  changes.  Government  is  no  longer  the 
accusing  power  in  theory,  but  is  the  offending 
power;  but  endowed  with  the  force  of  the  govern- 
ment to  annoy,  persecute,  and  crush  the  citizen: 
hence  it  is  that  in  the  United  States,  and  we  believe 
all  the  States,  treason  against  the  Government  is 
clearly  defined  in  the  Constitution  itself. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares: 

1.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  con- 
sist only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or  adhering 
to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  No 
person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  upon  the 
testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act, 
or  on  confession  in  open  court. 


130  Why  tve  are  Democrats. 

2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  pun- 
ishment for  treason;  but  no  attainder  of  treason 
shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or  forfeiture,  except 
during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

To  repeat,  therefore,  the  principles  governing  the 
liberty  of  the  citizen  in  this  respect,  we  formulate 
them  as  follows: 

1.  The  indictment  mast  be  clear  as  to  facts  and 
time  when  the  offence  has  been  committed. 

2.  The  accused  must  have,  after  the  indictment,  a 
sufficient  time  before  the  trial,  so  as  to  be  able  to 
prepare  for  it. 

He  must  have  a  list  of  witnesses  against  him  an 
equal  time  beforehand. 

3.  Counsel  must  be  allowed  to  the  accused  as  a 
matter  of  course;  peers  of  the  accused  must  be  the. 
judges,  and,  consequently,  must  not  be  asked  before- 
hand, what  the  result  will  be. 

Perfect  publicity  must  be  obtained  from  beginning 
to  end. 

4.  Hearsay  must  be  excluded  from  the  trial;  con- 
fession must  be  free  and  in  open  court;  there  must 
be  no  physical  torture  or  coercion;  and  there  must 
be  good  witnesses,  and  the  judges  must  not  depend 
upon  the  executive.  No  evidence  must  be  admitted 
in  criminal  that  is  not  admitted  upon  other  trials; 
there  must  be  no  constructive  treason,  and  the 
judges  must  not  be  political  bodies. 


Why  tve  are  Democrats.  131 

All  these  guarantees  are  secured  either  by  Consti- 
tutional or  statutory  law. 

The  Democratic  party  has  ever  prided  itself  upon 
favoring-  tlio  largest  amount  of  liberty  of  the  citizen 
consistent  witli  public  order;  and  of  shielding  to  the 
fullest  possible  extent  the  personal  liberty  of  the 
citizen — hence  these  well  established  rules  regula- 
ting his  personal  and  political  liberty  are  funda- 
mental doctrines  of  the  Democratic  party,  and 
should  be  implicitly  adhered  to  under  all  circum- 
stances. 

Mob  law  is  un-Democratic,  and  cannot  be  sanc- 
tioned by  them  under  any  circumstances.  Better 
that  the  guilty  should  escape  where  there  is  doubt, 
than  that  one  innocent  person  should  suffer. 

The  Security  of  Private  Property. — Democ- 
rac}^  demands  the  strongest  guarantees  to  be  thrown 
around  private  property. 

It  shall  not  be  taken  for  public  use,  except  that 
full  compensation  be  first  made. 

It  includes  the  unrestrained  right  of  producing 
and  exchanging  the  same.  It  prohibits  the  unfair 
use  of  the  tariff  by  monopolies,  and  promotes  entire 
commercial  freedom.  It  demands  that  it  be  not 
taken  without  the  consent  of  the  owner;  and,  even, 
Avhen  it  concedes  the  I'ight  of  GoA^ernment  to  take  a 
portion,  by  the  way  of  taxation,  it  demands  that  no 
more  be  taken  even  for  that  purpose,  than  precisely 


132  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

sufficient  to  meet  the  necessities  of  Government, 
and  that  it  be  equally  assessed  upon  all  alike. 

This  principle  goes  so  far  as  even  not  to  permit  it 
to  be  taken  in  the  shape  of  a  punishment  for  crime; 
and  forbids  its  forfeiture  beyond  the  life  of  the  per- 
son who  has  been,  himself,  found  guilty  of  treason. 

We  may  here  say  that  a  person  may  deprive  him- 
self of  liberty,  or  the  liberty  to  use  this  property 
during  his  lifetime,  because  of  a  conviction  of  crime; 
but  it  would  be  unjust  to  punish  his  heirs  for  his 
own  crime;  and,  hence  cannot  be  appropriated  be- 
yond the  period  of  his  own  life,  for  his  own  mis- 
deeds. 

This  principle  also  forbids  even  the  supreme 
power  of  a  State,  from  passing  any  law  impairing 
the  validity  of  contracts  already  made. 

All  these  rights  and  privileges  are  founded  upon 
correct  Democratic  principles  —  condemnation  of 
monopolies;  freedom  in  trading;  freedom  of  home- 
production;  freedom  in  the  exchange  of  commodi- 
ties: possesion  of  property;  taxation;  confiscation; 
each  and  every  one  of  these  has  a  long  history — full 
of  struggles  against  error  and  governmental  inter- 
ference, far  too  long  to  be  here  inserted,  and  can  be 
only  hinted  at  in  a  work  so  limited  as  this  is  intend- 
ed to  be;  yet  each  and  every  one  is  founded  upon 
Democratic  principles,  and  can  in  no  way  be  violat- 
ed without  trenching  upon  the  liberties  of  the  people, 
in  a  free  Democratic  government. 

Bepudiation  of  public  debts  is  not  a  Democratic 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  133 

principle;  it  is  a  serious  wrong,  which  no  State, 
county,  or  municipality  can  indulge  in  without 
doing  violence  to  Democratic  principles. 

Public  Funds. — Democracy  favors  the  keeping  of 
public  funds  under  the  direct  control  of  the  law- 
making power,  notably  under  the  more  immediate 
control  of  the  popular  branch  of  legislative  assem- 
blies. 

It  has  almost  become  a  common  law  where  it  has 
not  been  made  a  Constitutional  provision,  that 
revenue  bills  and  appropriations  of  public  funds, 
should  originate  in  the  popular  branch  of  assemblies. 
In  the  English  parliament,  so  jealous  are  the  Com- 
mons of  this,  their  right,  that  they  will  not  permit 
the  House  of  Lords  to  even  propose  amendments  to 
such  bills. 

If  this  power  were  left  to  the  executive  will,  soon 
public  liberty  would  have  an  end.  It  would  be 
highly  un-Democratic  to  withhold  necessary  public 
supplies;  but  it  is  the  high  prerogative  of  the  people 
to  tax  themselves,  and  to  tax  no  people  without 
their  consent. 

Democracy  requires  taxation  and  representation 
to  go  hand  in  hand.  Specific  purposes  must  be  an- 
nounced when  taxes  are  to  be  levied,  and  applied  to 
such  purposes  and  no  other;  specific  appropriations 
made  for  specific  purposes,  and  used  for  such  pur- 
poses only. 

Pemocracy  cannot  consent  that  any  power  other 


134  Why  ive  a  re  Democrats. 

than  the  people,  through  their  immediate  represent- 
atives shall  transfer  public  funds  from  one  to 
another  and  a  different  purpose. 

Furthermore,  Democracy  denies  to  the  executive 
the  power  to  exceed  in  expenditure  the  several 
amounts  appropriated  for  any  certain  purpose. 

It  is  a  vital  principle  of  Democracy  and  of  public 
liberty,  that  the  purse  strings  remain  in  the  hands 
of  the  popular  branch  of  the  legislature;  and  that 
the  taxing  and  expending  power  be  in  all  cases  left 
with  the  immediate  representatives  of  the  people. 

Publicity  of  Public  Business. — Democracy  fa- 
vors public  business  to  be  transacted  in  a  public 
manner.  The  publication  of  public  accounts,  and 
of  the  votes  of  public  servants.  It  holds  in  detesta- 
tion star  chamber  proceedings,  and  inquisitions.  It 
denounces  secret  political  parties.  It  demands  the 
publication  of  all  public  proceedings,  and  favors  the 
open  discussion  of  public  questions. 

The  public  discussion  of  great  questions  in  public 
ioui-nals  is  one  great  means  of  disseminating  truths, 
5^et  oral  discussions,  before  judges  and  juries,  and 
in  public  assemblies  are  even  more  important,  and 
doubtless  more  promotive  of  public  liberty.  Dem- 
ocracy favors  publicity  to  the  fullest  extent,  of  all 
transactions  in  public  business.  It  tends  to  purity 
in  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  honesty  in 
the  disbursement  of  public  funds;  preserves  and 
promotes   public   economy,   and  guards  the  public 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  135 

against  many  frauds  and  peculations  that  otherwise 
could  not  well  be  avoided.  Publicity  informs, 
teaches,  educates.  It  is  promotive  of  patriotism; 
it  sounds  the  alarm  bell  in  seasons  of  public  danger. 
It  is  conducive  to  eloquence;  it  prepares  the  citizen 
for  public  duties;  it  is,  in  short,  the  life  blood  of 
public  liberty,  and  a  leading  principle  of  the  Ameri- 
can Democracy. 

Freedom  of  Elections.  —  The  Democratic  prin- 
ciple requires  absolute  freedom  of  the  citizen  in 
casting  his  ballot.  On  election  day  he  is  a  sovereign. 
Though  still  amenable  to  the  laws,  he  is  free  from 
arrest  in  going  to  and  from  the  polls. 

The  executive  power  must  have  no  authority  over 
elections.  The  electors,  themselves,  must  have 
charge  of  their  ow^n  elections. 

They  must  be  absolutely  free  from  military  con- 
trol. No  troops  must  be  allowed  to  be  stationed 
near  the  place  where  elections  are  held. 

The  principle  of  permitting  executive  officers  to 
appoint  managers  for  elections  is  un-Democratic, 
and  tends  to  a  subversion  of  the  free  elective 
principle. 

Tlie  minority  should  always  be  represented  on  the 
boards,  receiving  and  counting  the  ballots.  No  in- 
timidation of  voters  sliould  be  permitted. 

Corruption  at  the  polls  is  one  of  the  most  danger- 
ous practices,  and  is  evidence  of  decay  in  free  gov- 
ernment.     The  unbought,   unawed,   and    absolute 


136  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

judgment  of  the  voter  should  alone  find  a  lodgment 
in  the  ballot-box.  When  the  citizen  will  sell  this — 
his  dearest  birthright — for  money,  or  anything  of 
value,  it  should  be  so  heinous  a  crime  as  to  pre- 
vent him  ever  afterwards  from  exercising  the 
right. 

Another  principle  is,  that  the  legislative  body 
shall  alone  be  the  judges  of  the  election,  and  quali- 
fication of  its  members. 

The  executive  should  have  no  control,  whatever, 
in  determining  the  election  of  members. 

So  too,  when  elections  have  been  free,  so  should 
the  representatives  of  the  people  be  free  when  met 
to  legislate.  They  must  be  free  to  adopt  their  own 
rules  of  proceeding.  They  must  not  be  questioned 
for  any  speech  or  debate  uttered  while  in 
session.  They,  too,  must  be  free  from  arrest  while 
in  attendance  upon  their  sessions.  All  must  be  up- 
on a  perfect  equality.  One  must  have  precisely  the 
right  of  each  and  every  other  member. 

There  can  be  no  inequality  among  members,  save 
that  which  ability  and  industry  will  produce. 
Frequent  return  and  election  of  members  is  another 
vital  principle  of  Democracy.  A  wholesome  fear  of 
constituents  to  whom  they  must  return  for  a  fresh 
lease  of  power,  has  a  restraining  and  energising  in- 
fluence upon  representatives;  and  Democracy  for 
these  reasons  favors  a  frequent  return  of  power  to 
the  people,  the  source  of  all  political  power  and 
authority. 


Why  ice  are  Democrats.  137 

Locomotion,  Cojoiunion  and  ExMigration. — The 
freedom  of  communion  is  a  precious  principle  of 
Democracy — of  free  government. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  is  made  up  of  grants  of  power. 
When  a  power  is  not  expressly  granted,  it  is  re- 
served to  the  States  or  the  people. 

It  is  one  of  the  most  precious  of  all  individual 
rights.  It  is  one  of  those  elements  of  liberty  that 
has,  in  American  institutions,  not  been  even  men- 
tioned, because  supposed  to  be  unquestioned. 

It  is  singled  out  here  because  under  other  than 
Democratic  institutions,  it  has  been  among  the  very 
first  to  be  violated.  It  has  been  one  of  the  first 
rights  secured  when  an  un-free  people  declared 
themselves  free — the  right  to  go  where  they  please. 

Free  communication  is  an  element  of  civil  liberty 
— no  one  is  truly  free,  if  his  right  to  go  where  he 
pleases  is  interrupted  or  submitted  to  surveillance. 
Equal  with  this  right  is  that  of  free  speech. 

Free  or  Democratic  nations  demand  the  right  to 
free  communion,  free  speech,  the  right  to  free  pub- 
lic assemblies,  and  the  right  to  speak  publicly  of 
whatever  concerns  the  public  good,  and  also  the 
right  and  sacredness  of  free  epistolary  correspond- 
ence. 

When  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
first  framed,  these  rights  had  not  been  enumerated; 
but  upon  further  reflection,  these  rights  were  guan- 
anteed  by  way  of  amendments. 


138  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

Liberty  of  conscience,  of  free  communion,  of 
assembling  and  petitioning  Government  for  a  re- 
dress of  grievances,  belong  to  this  class,  and  the 
Democratic  right  to  these  privileges  is  held  to  be 
sacred  and  well  guarded  in  all  our  Constitutions. 

The  Constitution  expressly  declares  that  Congress 
"shall  pass  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of 
religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof,  or 
abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press,  or 
the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble  and  to 
petition  the  Government  for  a  redress  of  griev- 
ances." 

When  all  these  sacred  rights  of  the  citizen  have 
not  been  rigidly  retained  in  the  bill  of  rights,  or  in 
the  several -Constitutions,  still  the  courts  have  de- 
cided that  American  citizens  expressly  possess  them. 
It  is  as  if  the  nation  said,  we  possess  these  rights, 
let  the  Government  dare  to  take  them  away. 

We  have  mentioned  already  the  right  of  freedom 
in  epistolary  communion.  This  is,  unquestionably 
one  of  the  dearest,  as  well  as  most  necessary  rights 
to  civilized  man— and  yet  it  was  not  mentioned  by 
tlie  founders  of  our  Government  in  our  so-called 
bill  of  rights — probably  so,  because  they  were  so 
little  acquainted  with  a  police  government. 

The  liberty  of  free  correspondence  should  stand 
between  free  speech  and  a  free  press — free  speech — 
free  letters — a  free  press.  The  sacredness  of  free 
letters  appears  the  more  important,  because  in 
almost  every  civilized  country  the  Government  is 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  139 

the  only  carrier  of  letters,  and  forbids  individuals  or 
corporations  from  carrying  sealed  letters.  So  soon, 
therefore,  as  a  letter  is  delivered  to  the  custody  of 
Government,  it  has  obligated  itself  to  deliver  it  to 
the  party,  and  good  faith  and  honorable  dealing  de- 
mands that  it  be  delivered  in  good  faith  to  the  party 
intended,  free  from  spies  and  informers,  from  what- 
ever source  they  come.  The  freedom  of  letters  is 
therefore,  as  much  a  Democratic  principle,  as  are 
those  of  free  speech  and  a  free  press. 

So  sacred  is  this  right,  that  in  the  United  States, 
it  is  said  there  is  not  known  any  means — not  even  a 
Avrit  from  a  court — by  which  a  letter  can  be  ex- 
tracted from  the  mails  and  read,  except  by  him  to 
whom  it  is  addressed. 

These  are  all  Demcratic  principles,  intended  for 
the  most  complete  liberty  and  protection  of  the 
citizen  against  the  powers  of  Government,  even 
when  of  the  class  denominated  free  Government, 
These  are  rights  reserved  to  the  people,  and  so 
sacred  in  their  eyes,  that  even  a  majority,  however 
legally  organized  otherwise,  have  no  right  to  de- 
prive any  one  of  them. 


CHAPTEE  Xr. 

SUMPTUARY  LAWS— TARIFF  FOR  REVENUE 
—SECTIONAL  PARTIES. 

SUMPTUARY  LAWS  NOT  FAVORED  BY  DEMOCRACY — MAN  A  FREE 
MORAL  AGENT— CIVIL  RIGHTS— LIBERTY  REGULATED  BY  LAW 
—HOW  TO  RAISE  REVENUES — PROTECTION  VS.  FREE  TRADE — 
JACKSON'S  THEORY — A  TARIFF  FOR  REVENUE  NOT  FOR  PRO- 
TECTION— RICHARD  COBDEN'S  VIEW— A  MARKET  THE  WORLD 
OVER— SECTIONAL  PARTIES— ALL  SECTIONAL  QUESTIONS  SHOULD 
BE   BURIED. 

Sumptuary  Laws. — The  Democracy  are  opposed 
to  "Sumptuary  laws,"  which  means  that  class  of 
laws  intended  to  regulate  the  expenses,  the  food, 
raiment,  and  habits  of  the  private  citizen.  It  pro- 
tects the  citizen  against  the  invasion  of  these  rights, 
by  his  fellow  men,  so  long  as  he  does  not  thereby 
invade  theirs.  This  principle  is  based  upon  that 
which  God  has  recognized  in  creating  man  a  free 
moral  agent,  to  do  whatsoever  may  seem  good  to 
him,  yet  holding  him  accountable  for  any  abuse  of 
the  exercise  of  his  free  moral  agency. 

He  punishes  man  for  every  violation  of  His  laws, 
whether  moral  or  physical,  not  only  in  his  moral 
government,  but  the  law  of  man's  very  being.  If, 
by  intemperance  in  the  use  of  anything,  he  violates 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  141 

the  laws  governing  his  body,  disease  and  death  is 
the  result;  so  also  should  the  laws  of  man  be  framed 
to  set  before  him  the  same  incentives  to  be  temper- 
ate in  all  things,  in  which  his  fellow-man  is  inter- 
ested. While  it  gives  to  the  citizen  perfect  liberty, 
it  holds  him  accountable  for  violating  any  of  the 
rights  of  his  fellow-men.  He  may  eat,  and  drink, 
and  wear,  and  use  whatever  he  chooses,  but  if 
thereby  he  takes  from  them,  their  families,  or  from 
his  own  family,  or  children,  anything  which  be- 
longs to  them  in  common  with  himself,  it  may  be 
recovered  back;  and  so  it  may  be  from  any  who 
knowingly  aids  him  in  doing  it. 

Communities  are  entitled  to  the  peaceful  enjoy- 
ment of  their  civil  rights.  Churches,  and  meetings 
of  a  public  or  private  nature,  are  protected  by  the 
exercise  of  this  same  principle,  and  so  are  families. 
Each  and  all  have  the  right  to  enjoy  their  homes, 
their  churches,  and  their  assemblies,  and  when  any 
one,  through  intemperance  in  food,  drink,  or  con- 
duct, or  in  any  manner  whatever,  interferes  with 
the  proper  and  just  exercise  of  those  rights  and 
privileges,  Avhereby  they  are  injured,  the  laws 
should  and  do  take  hold  upon  him,  and  restrain 
him,  by  penalties,  even  to  the  infliction  of  imprison- 
ment, from  interfering  with  those  rights,  alike  the 
common  heritage  of  all;  and  compel  him, to  yield 
obedience  to  such  wholesome  regulations  as  are 
best  calculated  to  promote  the  general  welfare. 

While,  therefore,  a  majority  cannot  restrain  the 


142  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

citizen  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  personal  liberties, 
and  physical  rights,  he  is  restrained  through  means 
of  legaPenactments  from  injuring  any  one  else  by 
the  exercise  of  them.  Thus  it  is,  that  poisons,  and 
the  means  of  taking  life  are  sold  for  lawful  pur- 
poses; and  the  citizen  can  purchase  them  for 
proper  uses,  and  when  obtained  may  take  his  own 
life  therewith;  but  cannot  be  sold  to  him  when  it  is 
known  to  the  vendor  that  the  purchaser  intends  to 
thus  destroy  himself,  or  even  attempt  to  do  himself 
an  injury.  The  person  may  attempt  or  even  take 
his  own  life,  and  for  neither  can  he  be  punished,  or 
forfeits  collected  from  his  estate;  but  no  person  can 
aid  him  without  becoming  amenable  to  the  penal- 
ties of  the  law. 

Democracy  favors  legislation,  therefore,  to  pro- 
tect society  in  all  its  rights,  while  it  leaves  the  in- 
dividual free  to  exercise  his  own,  so  long  as  he  does 
not  trample  upon  the  rights  of  others,  which  are  as 
sacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  law  as  his  own  are  to  him. 

It  is  liberty  regulated  by  law.  It  is  the  exemplifi- 
cation of  free  speech,  free  letters,  a  free  press,  a  free 
table,  a  free  home,  a  free  family,  a  free  person,  but 
in  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  any  of  those  rights 
he  cannot  injure  the  very  least  of  one  of  those  asso- 
ciated with  him,  or  who  are  dependent  upon  him,  in 
the  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  without  incurring  the 
penalties  prescribed  for  the  protection  of  all  alike. 
Sumptuary  laws,  therefore,  are  obnoxious  to  these 
sound  principles,  while  in  no  sense  do  the  proper 


Why  ice  are  Democrats.  143 

exercise  of  moral  principles  come  in  contact  with 
them.  Believing  in  the  largest  amount  of  liberty  to 
the  citizen,  consisting  with  public  order,  men  are 
Democrats  because  opposed  to  sumptuary  laws 

A  Tariff  for  Revenue. — The  question  of  how 
to  raise  revenues  with  which  to  support  the  Gene- 
ral Government,  has  been  a  question  which  has 
long  been  discussed  between  political  parties. 

There  has  always  been  a  party  in  favor  of  special 
protection  to  American  manufactures,  by  a  specific 
duty  on  imported  articles,  whether  the  necessities  of 
the  Government  required  much  or  but  little  revenue. 
"Protection  for  the  sake  of  protection "  is  their 
fundamental  idea;  while,  upon  the  other  hand  there 
has  always  existed  a  strong  element  in  favor  of 
"  free  trade,"  the  latter  varying  from  a  tariff  for 
revenue,  which  is  far  less  obnoxious  to  the  other 
class,  to  that  of  absolute  free  trade,  and  direct 
taxation. 

The  Democracy  have  always  favored  a  tariff  for 
revenue,  so  levied,  as  Jackson  stated  the  proposi- 
tion, "in  a  spirit  of  equity,  caution  and  compro- 
mise, so  that  the  great  interests  of  agriculture, 
manufactures,  and  commerce  will  be  equally 
favored." 

The  doctrine  promulgated  by  the  Democracy,  and 
again  and  again  affirmed  by  their  National  Conven- 
tions, is  that  as  already  stated,  a  tariff  for  revenue 
and  not  for  protection. 


144  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

The  Democracy  believe  that  as  a  Constitutional 
principle,  the  General  Government  has  no  power  to 
collect  more  revenue  than  just  enough  to  meet  its 
lawful  expenditures — just  enough  to  carry  out  the 
enumerated  powers  granted  to  it  in  the  Consti- 
tution. 

They  regard  the  collection  of  any  greater  sum  as 
a  system  not  only  unconstitutional,  but  unjust,  un- 
equal, and  if  persisted  in,  leading  to  corruption  and 
ultimate  ruin  of  the  best  interests  of  the  country. 
The  necessities  of  the  Government,  for  large  reve- 
nues, in  order  to  meet  tlie  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
Government;  and,  in  addition  to  that,  the  interest 
upon  the  public  debt,  and  a  portion  of  the  debt 
itself  each  year,  has  caused  the  people  to  submit  to 
a  higher  tariff  since  the  war  than  they  would  have 
done  were  the  circumstances  otherwise;  but  what- 
ever these  necessities  may  be,  Democrats  do  not,  as 
a  party,  believe  in  what  is  called  ''a  protective 
tariff;"  or  in  raising  any  more  money  than  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  meet  the  expenditures  of 
the  Government. 

President  Jackson,  in  his  farewell  address,  has 
set  forth  the  views  of  the  Democracy  on  this  sub- 
ject, perhaps  in  the  most  forcible  manner  in  which 
they  can  be  presented,  upon  the  various  phases 
which  the  question'  may  assume. 

When  the  public  debt,  resultant  of  the  war  of 
A.  D.  1812,  had  been  almost  paid,  and  a  surplus  was 
about  to  accumulate  in  the  national  treasury,  he 


JVJiy  ive  are  Democrats.  145 

advised  the  people  that  the  design  to  collect  an  ex- 
travagant revenue,  and  to  burden  the  people  with 
taxes  beyond  the  economical  wants  of  the  govern- 
ment, had  not  been  abandoned. 

The  various  interests,  he  said,  would  combine  to- 
gether to  impose  a  heavy  tariff,  and  produce  an 
overflowing  treasury,  and  these  elements  were  too 
strong,  and  had  too  much  at  stake  to  surrender  the 
contest;  and  the  history  of  tariff  legislation  from 
that  day  to  this,  verifies  his  predictions. 

The  great  corporations  which  have  grown  up,  and 
the  wealthy  individuals  engaged  in  manufacturing 
establishments,  desire  a  high  tariff  in  order  to 
increase  their  gains,  under  the  plausible  argument 
that  they  desire  it  in  order  to  pay  their  working 
men  better  wages.  Designing  politicians  support  it 
to  conciliate  their  favor,  and  advocate  profuse  ex- 
penditures for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  influence 
in  other  quarters. 

When  driven  from  the  policy  of  making  immense 
public  internal  improvements,  they  shelter  them- 
selves wnder  the  i^lea  of  dividing  the  surplus  revenue 
thus  raised  among  the  States,  as  another  means  to 
induce  Congress  to  continue  the  policy  of  protective 
tariffs. 

The  Democracy  believe  that  the  only  safe  principle 
is  to  levy  a  tariff  only  for  purposes  of  revenue;  and 
confine  the  Government  rigidly  within  the  sphere  of 
its  appropriate  duties.  They  insist  that  it  has  no 
power  to  raise  more  revenue,  or  to  impose  any  tax. 


146  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

except  for  the  purposes  enumerated;  and  that  if  its 
income  is  found  to  exceed  these  wants,  it  must  be 
reduced,  and  the  burdens  of  the  people  so  far 
lightened. 

The  revenue,  no  matter  how  raised,  unless  it  be 
by  direct  taxation  upon  incomes,  must  be  drawn 
from  the  pockets  of  the  people — from  the  farmer, 
the  mechanic,  and  the  laboring  classes  of  the  coun- 
try— the  consuming  class. 

The  excess  not  required,  cannot  be  returned  to 
them  in  any  possible  way — the  class  who  most  need 
it,  and  who  are  justly  entitled  to  it.  It  is  therefone, 
a  species  of  legal  robbery — a  forced  loan  never  to  be 
repaid;  not  for  the  purpose  of  defending  the  life  of 
the  nation;  but  to  unduly  stimulate  the  production 
of  manufactured  articles  beyond  the  necessities  of 
the  hour,  that  a  privileged  few  may  reap  its  bene- 
fits, and  accumulate  more  than  their  just  share  of 
the  wealth  of  the  country. 

They  believe  that  this  unnatural "  stimulation 
itself,  will,  if  over  production  be  the  result,  finally 
lead  to  greater  embarrassments  than  if  left  to  regu- 
late itself  by  the  ordinary  laws  of  supply  and 
demand. 

Richard  Cobden,  of  England,  laid  down  the  car- 
dinal principle  of  a  tariff  incorporated  in  financial 
legislation,  as  follows: 

"  Taxes,  when  necessary,  must  be  laid  for  revenue 
alone,  and  in  their  remission  of  those  to  be  remitted 
the  interests  of  the  consumers  are  paramount,  and 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  147 

must  be  consulted;  no  taxes  should  be  levied  ex- 
clusively in  the  supposed  interests  of  producers  or 
manufacturers — they  have  no  right  to  enjoy  this 
immunity  because  in  the  minority." 

In  this  country,  the  agricultural  class  is  by  far 
the  most  numerous,  and  no  legislation  is  asked 
to  protect  them.  All  tliey  want  is  a  market  the 
world  over,  to  sell  their  productions;  but  the  manu- 
facturer wants  his  productions  protected,  so  that  he 
can  sell  at  the  highest  prices,  by  creating  an  arti- 
ficial demand,  or  rather  by  excluding  competition. 
If  the  principle  were  sound,  it  would  apply  with 
equal  force  to  our  inter-State  commerce,  whereas  it 
has  been  entirely  excluded.  Hence  to  aid  manu- 
factures, both  agriculture  and  commerce  are  in- 
jured, which  is  not  in  accordance  with  sound  prin- 
ciples of  political  economy,  because,  in  a  great 
agricultural  country  like  this,  the  principle  an- 
nounced by  Jefferson — "the  encouragement  of 
agriculture,  and  of  commerce  as  its  handmaid  "  are 
conducive  of  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  num- 
ber, and  of  vastly  more  importance  to  the  country 
at  large,  than  the  mere  developement  of  a  compara- 
tively small  class  of  manufacturing  interests.  Ra- 
ther should  all  these  great  interests  be  considered 
as  Jackson  declared,  and  these  be  left  free  and  un- 
fettered, that  commerce  may  flow  into  those  natural 
channels  in'which  individual  enterprise  may  direct 
it,  which  is  always  the  safest  guide. 

These  reasons,   founded  upon  the    Constitution, 


148  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

and  resulting  in  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest 
number,  have  induced  men  to  be  Democrats,  and 
compel  them  to  favor  a  taritf  for  revenue,  and  not 
only  for  the  sake  of  protection.  They  believe  that 
where  so  large  an  amount  of  revenue  is  needed  to 
supply  the  necessities  of  our  government,  that  suflS- 
cient  protection  is  afforded,  incidentally,  without 
legislating  purely  in  the  interest  of  classes,  thereby 
aiding  in  fostering  monopolies — the  bane  of  free 
governments, — which  will  be  enabled  thereby  to  en- 
rich themselves  beyond  measure,  by  the  additional 
profits  wrung  from  consumers,  who  ultimately  are 
compelled  to  pay,  not  only  the  tariff  theron — or 
rather  the  enhanced  price  by  reason  of  the  tariff, 
but  the  additional  profits  thereon  by  reason  of  the 
enhanced  price.  For  these,  and  many  more  reasons, 
here  excluded  for  want  of  space,  Democrats  are  op- 
posed to  a  high  protective  tariff — as  specific  duties 
upon  imports. 

Sectional  Parties. — The  Democracy  regard  sec- 
tional parties  as  one  of  the  greatest  evils  that  could 
arise,  indeed,  has  arisen  in  this  country.  President 
Jackson  said,  in  his  farewell  address,  "the  evil  is 
sufficiently  apparent  to  awaken  the  deepest  anxiety 
in  the  bosom  of  every  patriot." 

And  although  we  have  had  a  civil  war,  in  conse- 
quence of  sectional  strife;  and  although  we  have 
come  out  of  that  terrible  ordeal  with  a  united  coun- 
try, as  far  as    mere    territory    is    concerned,   and 


Why  2ve  are  Democrats.  149 

would  seem  to  be  drifting  back  into  the  haven  of 
rest,  under  the  protection  of  our  common  Constitu- 
tion, still  the  angry  waves  of  sectional  strife  are  not 
yet  entirely  allayed,  and  at  every  repeated  Presi- 
dential election  the  strife  is  seemingly  renewed. 

While  we  do  not  ''  see  systematic  efforts  made  tb 
sow  the  seeds  of  discord  between  the  sections,"  we 
do  see  such  efforts  made  to  keep  once-existing  dis- 
cord alive.  We  see  a  party,  which  should  be  nation- 
al, and  magnanimous,  being  sectional  and  bigoted, 
asserting  its  superior  loyalty  intelligence  and 
patriotism,  as  entitling  it  to  rule,  to  the  exclusion 
of  all  other  sections  or  parties,  unless  they  bow  to 
their  peculiar  notions,  as  to  how  legislation  should 
be  conducted,  and  by  whom  the  laws  should  be  ad- 
ministered. This  attitude  in  the  North  is  calculated 
to  create  a  corresponding  solidity  in  the  South. 

It  prevents  them  from  differing  upon  matters  of 
internal  policy,  upon  questions  of  revenue  and  tar- 
iffs; and  it  will  do  so,  as  long  as  there  is  a  party, 
sectional  in  its  nature,  which  asserts  its  right  to  rule 
the  other  section  by  sheer  force  of  power  c>r  of  num- 
bers. 

Appeals  are  thus  constantly  being  made  in  the 
North  to  sectional  prejudice,  and  to  force  into  the 
controversy  matters  calculated  to  stir  up  mutual 
hatred  and  strife.  The  Chief  Magistrate,  it  is  urged, 
should  be  elected,  not  alone  from  one  section  of  the 
Union,  but  that  he  must  be  one  who  has  shown,  not 
the  greatest  devotion  to  thfe  Uiiioii,  and  the  Uonsti- 


150  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

tution — the  common  heritage  of  all— but  the  great- 
est loyalty  to  that  one  party,  always  in  antagonism 
to  the  other  section,  though  the  occasion  for  strife 
has  long  since  passed  away;  as  if  it  were  desired 
that  he  should  favor  a  particular  part  of  the  coun- 
try more  than  he  favored  the  whole  or  every  other 
part,  or  to  administer  the  laws  impartially  in  the  in- 
terest of  all  sections  alike.  It  would  not  do  to  say, 
that  all  those  who  thus  engage  in  what  seems  so 
unwise  and  unprofitable  a  crusade,  are  not  patriots, 
and  are  wanting  in  public  virtue;  but  wdiile  they 
are  presumedly  honest,  and  conscious  of  the  recti- 
tude of  their  own  intentions,  they  seem  to  forget 
that  their  neighbors,  whether  by  their  side,  or  far 
away  in  other  States,  who  have  the  same  interests 
in  good  government  that  they  have,  may  be,  and 
doubtless  are  equally  so.  This  matter  of  mutual  re- 
proaches and  mutual  suspicion  is  the  bane  of  our 
party  politics.  Men  seem  not  to  reflect,  that  this  is 
all  the  country  we  have;  that  our  States,  our  coun- 
ties, our  towns,  our  farms,  our  homes,  lie  side  by  side 
with  those  of  others,  however  differing  upon  polit- 
ical questions;  that  we  look  with  equal  pride  to  the 
glory  and  greatness  (Jt  our  common  country;  that 
we  worship  the  same  God,  and  have  a  common  in- 
terest in  the  welfare  of  our  children,  to  whom  this 
country  must  soon  Be  committed,  and  that  future 
generations  will  find  this  people  so  commingling  to- 
gether, if  a  wise  policy  is  pursued,  that  none  need 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  151 

say  to  another,  Were  your  ancestors  "  loyal"  in 
18G1? 

The  Union  cannot  be  maintained  and  the  laws  en- 
forced by  the  mere  coercive  powers  of  the  General 
Government.  A  majority  in  all  sections  must  feel 
that  their  interests  prompt  them  to  a  cheerful  obe- 
dience of  them.  Why  then  permit  sectional  feeling 
to  warp  their  judgment?  There  are  millions  of 
Democrats  who  would  rally  around  the  flag  and  the 
Constitution  the  moment  any  hostile  hands  were 
laid  upon  either.  They  would  lay  down  their  lives 
in  support  of  that  government,  the  moment  an  at- 
tempt were  made  to  inaugurate  a  rival  government. 
It  is  not  in  the  nature  of  things  that  the  majority  of 
the  people  of  this  country  can  be  its  enemies,  be- 
cause it  is  their  government  so  long  as  it  is  admin- 
istered in  their  interests.  Why  then  so  ready  to  de- 
nounce the  foremost  soldiers  of  the  war  as  enemies 
in  disguise;  and  by  so  doing  promote  bitterness  as 
well  as  continually  build  up  sectional  parties,  upon 
presumed  sectional  issues,  when  true  patriotism, 
and  love  of  country,  and  every  noble  impulse  of  our 
hearts,  would  prompt  every  lover  of  his  country  to 
allay  and  assuage  this  sectional  hatred  and  strife. 

It  must  cease  sometime  !  It  cannot  always  last ! 
Democrats  believe  great  wrong  has  been  done  alike 
to  both  sections,  by  not  long  since  burying  all  sec- 
tional questions;  and  so  believing,  they  are  Demo- 
crats, because  that  party  has  never  ceased  to  urge 
it,  ever  since  the  clash  of  arms  has  ceased,  as  well 
as  long  before  the  strife  commenced. 


CHAPTEE  XYI. 
THE  CIVIL  SERVICE 

DEMOCRACY  DEMANDS  A  PURE,  FAITHFUL,  CIVIL  SERVICE— JACK- 
SON'S VIEW— HON.  ALLEN  G.  THURMAN'S  LIST  OF  CORRUP- 
TIONS— THE  THEFT  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY — THE  DIFFERENCE — 
THE  DEMOCRACY  SEEKS  TO  ELEVATE  THE  CITIZEN  RATHER 
THAN  MAGNIFY  THE  GOVERNMENT—"  DO  AS  YOU  PLEASE,  AS 
LONG  AS  YOU  DO  NOT  TRAMPLE  ON  THE  RIGHTS  OF  OTHERS." 
— INSTEAD  OF  "THE  STATE  SO  WILLS  AND  YOU  'MUST'  OBEY 
— PRINCIPLES   NOT  MEN." 

The  Democracy  favor  a  pure,  faithful  civil  ser- 
vice. It  is  one  of  the  cardinal  principles  of  the 
party,  and  has  been  frequently  alluded  to  by  Demo- 
cratic Presidents  and  statesmen,  and  engrafted  in 
their  national  platforms  from  the  days  of  Jefferson 
to  the  present  time. 

No  people  can  long  maintain  liberty,  and  support 
free  institutions,  whose  Government  is  honeycomb- 
ed by  corrupt  men  and  corrupt  practices.  This  is 
the  lesson  which  history  teaches — corruption  pre- 
cedes dissolution  in  governments,  as  surely  as  day 
precedes  night. 

Early  in  the  history  of  our  Federal  Government 
Jefferson  announced  as  his  rule  in  appointing  men 


WJiy  we  are  Democrats.  153 

to  office,  to  ask  the  question:  Is  he  honest,  is  he 
capable,  and  does  he  support  the  Constitution? 

Jackson  alluded  to  the  civil  service  upon  several 
occasions  in  his  messages.  He  pledged  himself  to 
the  work  of  reform  in  the  administration,  so  that 
the  patronage  of  the  General  Government,  which 
had  been  brought  into  conflict  with  the  freedom  of 
elections,  and  had  disturbed  the  rightful  course  of 
appointments  by  continuing  in  power  unfaithful 
and  incompetent  public  servants,  should  be  no 
longer  used  for  that  purpose.  He  also  declared  his 
belief  in  the  principle,  that  the  integrity  and  zeal  of 
public  officers  would  advance  the  interests  of  the 
public  service,  more  than  mere  numbers. 

Jackson,  also,  as  a  means  to  purify  and  keep  pure 
the  administration  of  public  affairs,  advocated  rota- 
tion in  office.  •  Corruption,  he  said,  (as  already 
stated  in  another  part  of  this  work)  would  spring 
up  among  those  in  power;  and,  therefore,  he 
thought  appointments  should  not  be  made  for  a 
longer  period  than  four  years.  He  further  said,  that 
everybody  had  equal  right  to  office,  and  he  there- 
fore advocated  removals  as  a  leading  principle 
which  would  give  healthful  action  to  the  political 
system. 

So  also  in  the  various  platforms  of  the  Democratic 
party,  since  the  war  closed,  repeated  mention  has 
been  made  of  the  civil  service,  all  in  perfect  accord 
with  the  expressions  of  the  earlier  Democratic  Pres- 
identSi     Thus  have  the  Democracy  both  a  principle 


154  Why  tve  are  Democrats. 

and  a  policy  marked  out  to  guide  them  in  the  civil 
administration. 

The  Democracy  believe  that  a  pure  civil  service 
must  be  re-established  in  the  administration  of  pub- 
lic affairs,  and  that  removals  from  office  is  the  only 
sure  method  to  accomplish  this  desirable  purpose. 

The  history  of  the  administration  of  public  affairs 
since  the  war  closed,  has  been  one  of  such  gigantic 
corruption,  as  to  bring  disgrace  upon  the  Republic; 
and  has  furnished  the  advocates  of  despotisms,  the 
v^orld  over,  w^ith  new  arguments  against  a  popular, 
free  government. 

A  distinguished  Democratic  statesman  —  Hon. 
Allen  G.  Thurman — says:  "Unfortunately  for  the 
credit  of  the  nation,  the  instances  of  corruption  are 
so  notorious,  that  a  bare  reference  to  them  brings 
forth  a  picture  from  which  the  mind  turns  with 
loathing  and  indignation.  The  Credit  Mobilier,  the 
Pacific  Mail,  the  Belknap  trial,  the  villainies  of  the 
Custom  House,  the  straw  bids  of  the  Post  Office,  the 
Indian  and  Whiskey  rings,  and  a  long  list  of  de- 
faulters in  every  department  of  the  Government, 
have  become  matters  of  history." 

Since  these  words  were  uttered  by  this  eminent 
Democratic  United  States  Senator,  we  have  had 
scandals  arising  from  the  Star  Route  trials,  second 
to  none  under  any  government,  in  any  clime.  Not 
only  frauds  before  which  all  others  sink  into  ilisig-- 
nificance,  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  but 
frauds  in  elections  themselves,  through  which  the 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  155 

people  have  been  robbed  of  their  dearest  right— that 
of  the  result  of  their  sovereign  will  through  the 
elective  franchise — at  the  head  of  which  stands  out 
in  bold  relief,  the  theft  of  the  Presidency  itself,  by 
means  of  forged  certificates  of  election,  and  the  set- 
ting aside  of  the  returns  as  made  by  sovereign 
States  of  the  Union,  through  the  action  of  all  the 
departments  of  their  government.  Thus  have  the 
grossest  frauds  that  ever  disgraced  a  free  people, 
manifested  themselves. 

And,  had  it  ceased  here,  and  those  who  aided  in 
perpetrating  them  upon  the  people  been  punished,  it 
might  have  satisfied  the  public  mind;  but,  instead 
of  this  being  done,  those  who  perpetrated  them — the 
aiders  and  abettors  of  these  usurpations  and  frauds 
were  rewarded  by  place  and  position. 

When  officers  in  the  administration  of  public 
affairs  thus  lose  all  sense  of  honor  and  integrity, 
what  need  the  people  expect,  but  that  "like  masters, 
like  men,"  will  be  the  result. 

The  Democracy  believe  in  accordance  with  the 
repeated  declarations  of  representative  Democrats, 
that  to  maintain  a  free  government,  there  must  be 
purity,  honesty,  and  faithfulness  in  the  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs;  and  that  when  once  corrup- 
tion and  fraud  have  found  lodgment  in,  or  at  the 
head  of  departments  of  government,  there  is  no 
other  or  better  way  to  reclaim  the  government,  than 
to  remove  from  office  the  entire  party  in  all  the  de- 
partments, and  place  them  in  the  hands  of  new  men. 


156  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

No  party  thus  affected  can  purify  itself — removal 
from  and  out  of  office  is  the  only  sure  remedy. 

Civil  service  reform  as  to  mere  clerical  or  mental 
qualifications,  will  not  purify  the  government;  nor 
will  the  mere  manner  of  making  appointments  cor- 
rect the  evil,  nor  will  a  tenure  of  office,  because, 
the  promotions  from  lower  to  higher  positions, 
will  but  embolden  and  entrench  dishonesty  more 
securely,  and  create  an  office-holding  aristocracy; 
while  the  people  will  in  no  wise  be  benefitted  there- 
by; but  removals  and  rotation  in  office  will  excite 
a  healthy  competition,  and  will  give  the  people  that 
equal  right  to  office  and  official  position,  which  the 
theory  and  genius  of  our  Democratic  form  of  gov- 
ernment contemplates. 

The  Democracy  therefore,  advocate  these  methods 
to  purify  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and 
an  economical  and  simple  execution  of  the  powers 
of  government,  they  believe,  will  materially  reduce 
the  temptations  to  fraud  and  corruption  in  its  ad- 
ministration; and  they  therefore  demand  from  its 
candidates  as  well  as  its  supporters,  the  strongest 
pledges,  that  such  will  be  their  conduct  if  permitted 
to  exercise  the  powers  of  Government  in  behalf  of 
the  people.  We  are  Democrats  because  we  believe 
this  to  be  the  true  method  of  preserving  a  pure  and 
faithful  civil  service. 

The  DiFPEEENCE. — It  may  be  said,  all  this  may 
be  true;  but  do  not  all  parties  profess  these  princi- 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  167 

pies  more  or  less?  Why  then  are  you  a  Democrat 
when  so  many  of  these  principles  are  held  only  in 
common  with  those  who  act  with  the  opposing 
party  ? 

We  answer,  there  is  an  essential  difference  be- 
tween the  Democracy,  and  those  who  oppose  that 
party.  This  may  arise  from  various  causes — cer- 
tainly it  does  exist.  It  may  arise  from  early  train- 
ing, but  doubtless  more  from  natural  disposition, 
from  an  innate,  inherent  and  so  to  speak,  constitu- 
tional difference  which  inclines  the  mind  to  view 
duty  from  a  different  standpoint.  The  opposition 
assumes  superiority  of  intelligence  and  virtue, 
whicli  they  claim  as  a  reason  why  their  peculiar  no- 
tions should  prevail.  Were  the  majority  ever  so 
large  against  them,  they  would  look  upon  these, 
nevertheless,  as  of  a  lower  order  of  intelligence; 
vicious  in  their  purposes,  destructive  in  results, 
while  they  pay  little  regard  to  the  principles  these 
people  profess,  or  the  policy  they  desire  adopted. 
Their  opponents  have  ever  assumed  superior  intelli- 
gence, and  have  not  refrained  from  expressing  a 
disdain  for  a  party  which,  they  say,  is  largely  made 
up  of  the  laboring  and  "  ignorant "  classes  of  the 
country.  They  seek  to  govern  by  different  methods 
than  do  the  Democrats.  With  them  it  has  been  the 
strength  of  government  relied  upon  to  preserve 
peace  and  good  order;  with  the  Democracy,  love 
and  affection  h?  been  appealed  to,  as  the  stronger 
incentive. 


158  Why  we  ar^e  Democrats. 

The  Democracy  seek  to  elevate  the  citizen.  The 
opposing  idea  is  to  magnify  the  government;  with 
the  Democracy  it  has  been  a  favorite  idea  to  grant 
the  largest  possible  liberty  to  the  individual  citizen, 
consistent  with  public  order;  but  the  opposing  idea 
is,  that  the  least  liberty  is  safest  to  a  naturally  de- 
praved nature.  Expansion,  elevation,  personal 
freedom  in  the  one;  a  strong  government  to  subdue 
human  nature  has  been  the  other. 

The  Democratic  idea  is,  "do  as  you  please  so  long 
as  you  do  not  trample  on  the  rights  of  others;"  the 
opposing  idea  is,  "the  State  so  wills  and  joumust 
obey.  Compulsion,  force,  fear,  is  the  mainspring  of 
peace  with  that  class;  love,  reverence,  respect,  is 
the  incentive  held  out  in  the  other  to  secure  obedi- 
ence to  law.  It  has  thus  always  assumed  a  moral 
and  intellectual  superiority,  and  by  virtue  of  these 
qualities  has  claimed  the  right  to  govern.  The  De- 
mocracy have  not  only  denied  this  authority  as  well 
as  the  claim,  but  denounced  the  principle  as  a  vic- 
ious one. 

This  may  and  doubtless  is  not  the  disposition 
which  actuates  every  man  who  opposes  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  but  there  is  a  certain  spirit  so  to  speak, 
which  actuates  every  large  mass  of  men,  and  this 
manifests  itself  in  the  general  conduct  of  the 
body. 

Every  association  has  its  distinct  features — oft- 
times  consisting  of  temperament,  and  various  other 
peculiarities  existing  in  mankind.     Such  as  agree, 


Wliy  ive  are  Democrats.  159 

more  readily  associate  themselves  together.  They 
feel  at  home  in  each  other's  society,  and  this  gene- 
ral agreement  gives  them  a  character,  which  mani- 
fests its  peculiarity  by  its  general  conduct  and  in- 
tercourse with  men.  It  is  to  this  peculiarity  we 
allude  as  existing  both  in  a  party  composed  of  De- 
mocrats, and  those  more  or  less  opposed  to  them  in 
these  fundamental  principles. 

The  wealthy  class  engaged  in  non-producing  pur- 
suits; the  self-assumed  aristocracy  of  the  country; 
the  would-be  rulers  of  their  fellow  men,  instead  of 
sharers  with  them  in  the  benefit  of  government,  are 
chiefly  those  who  look  with  disdain  upon  the  more 
humble  pretentions  of  the  Democracy. 

For  twenty-five  years  or  more,  this  spirit  in  the 
opposition  has  denounced  the  Democracy.  They 
have  denounced  them  because  they  stood  by  the 
Constitution,  guaranteeing  the  rights  of  the  people 
of  the  several  States  to  control  their  domestic  insti- 
tutions in  their  own  way. 

Because  of  this,  they  of  the  North  were  denounced 
as  being  guilty  of  supporting  and  maintaining 
human  slavery,  and  likewise  denounced  with  equal 
vehemence  as  rebels  and  traitors  to  their  country, 
when  they  were  only  defending  the  most  sacred 
rights  of  freemen  guaranteed  to  all  men  in  the  Con- 
stitution. They  have  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century  been  constantly  and  persistently  denounc- 
ing Democrats  as  enemies  of  their  country  and  their 
race.  <• 


160  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

Denunciation  is  their  constant  means  of  political 
warfare.  To  generously  look  at  what  they  might 
deem  a  mistaken  view  of  what  results  might  be  ex- 
pected to  follow,  is  out  of  the  question.  The  indi- 
vidual must  necessarily  have  an  evil  purpose  in 
view,  else  he  would  not  differ  from  them !  They 
are  the  intelligent,  moral,  virtuous,  'Moyal "  class, 
and  those  who  differ  from  them  must  necessarily 
have  vicious  objects  in  view  !  There  is  neither 
charity,  generosity,  nor  tolerance  in  their  com- 
position. 

They  are  unwilling  to  believe  that  a  person  can 
differ  from  their  view,  and  be  honest  in  his  opin- 
ions; and  being  vicious  in  their  purposes,  must 
necessarily  be  repressed  by  the  power  of  govern- 
ment !  Thus  they  have  persistently  denounced  De- 
mocrats, as  enemies  of  their  race,  more  because  of 
their  faithfulness  to  the  doctrines  of  the  fathers  of 
the  Republic,  than  for  any  other  reason.  It  has  of- 
times  assumed  the  character  of  absolute  tyranny 
and  oppression,  instead  of  that  toleration  and  free- 
dom which  Democrats  at  all  times  are  willing  to 
accord  to  their  fellows.  These  are  peculiarities 
which  exist  aside  from  those  fundamental  differ- 
ences of  opinion  upon  questions  of  national  or  do- 
mestic policy,  upon  which  intelligent  men  might 
honestly  differ. 

Men  are  Democrats  because  they  hate  and  despise 
this  spirit  of  intolerance  and  oppression,  and  can 
act  wi#i  no  party  harmoniously,  which  is  charac- 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  161 

terized  by  such  methods  and  habits  of  thought. 
These  differences  are  plainly  to  be  seen  in  the  char- 
acter of  their  deliverances — laudatory  and  manda- 
tory, and  denuncicvtory  of  the  purposes  of  those  who 
differ  from  them  as  to  measures  designed  for  the 
welfare  of  both.  The  Democracy  is  doctrinal,  tol- 
erant, liberal  and  patriotic.  Its  motto  is  "  Principles 
not  men."  It  asks  nothing  but  what  it  concedes. 
Destructive  only  of  despotism,  it  is  the  conservator 
of  liberty,  labor  and  property.  It  cherishes  the  sen, 
timent  of  freedom,  of  equal  rights  and  equal  obliga^ 
tions.     Its  object  is,  ''  good  will  to  men." 


CHAPTER  XYII. 
OBJECTIONS  ANSWERED. 

AN  ANONYMOUS  OBJECTER  ANSWERED  BY  RESOLUTIONS  OF  DEMO- 
CRATIC CONVENTIONS— NEW  YORK,  1868 — BALTIMORE,  1872  — 
ST.  LOUIS,  1876— DEMOCRATS  NEVER  REPUDIATED— RADICAL 
OBJECTORS  LIKE  THE  ELDER  BROTHER  IN  THE  PARABLE— THE 
QUESTION  OF  THE  "  REBEL  DEBT  "  SETTLED  BY  SECTION  4  OF 
ARTICLE  XIV  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

There  are  some  objections  put  before  the  coun- 
try by  an  anonymous  vv^riter,  but  published  by  a  re- 
spectable publishing  house,  under  their  endorse- 
ment, which  should  be  ansv^ered.  One  of  the  state- 
ments is,  that  "  since  the  war  the  Democratic  party 
occupies  an  apparent  attitude  of  sullen  dissatisfac- 
tion with  what  has  been  accomplished  by  the  war, 
and  evinces  a  disposition  to  undo  it."  How  this  can 
be  established  we  are  at  a  loss  to  know,  no  proof 
whatever  being  offered  in  support  of  the  proposition. 
At  the  first  National  Democratic  Convention  after 
the  war,  which  met  in  New  York,  in  1868,  it  was  re- 
solved that,  "we  recognize  the  questions  of  slavery 
and  secession  as  having  been  settled  for  all  time  to 
come  by  the  war,  or  the  voluntary  action  of  the 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  163 

Southern  States,  in  constitutional  convention  as- 
sembled, and  never  to  be  revived  or  re-agitated." 

In  1872  they  adopted  the  following  at  Baltimore: 
"  We  pledge  ourselves  to  maintain  the  union  of 
these  States,  emancipation,  and  enfranchisement, 
and  to  oppose  the  re-opening  of  the  questions  settled 
by  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  amend- 
ments of  the  Constitution." 

In  1876,  at  St.  Louis,  they  declared:  "we  do  here- 
by re-affirm  .  .  .  our  devotion  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  ivitli  its  amendments,  univer- 
sally accepted  as  a  final  settlement  of  the  controver- 
sies that  engendered  the  civil  war." 

In  1880,  it  again  reaffirmed  these  principles,  and 
nominated  a  candidate  positively  pledging  himself 
to  support  and  maintain  them;  hence,  no  reasonable 
mind  can  imagine  any  cause  for  the  assertion  that 
they  are  dissatisfied  with  the  result. 

It  is  true,  they  oppose  the  measure  of  executive 
control  over  "Federal  elections,"  so-called,  in  the 
States,  but  these  were  not  measures  for  which  the 
war  was  prosecuted  to  establish;  and  to  say  that 
more  than  one-half  of  the  American  people  tell  a 
falsehood  before  the  Avorld  when  they  resolve  in 
favor  of  a  certain  measure,  is  such  sheer  presump- 
tion and  insolence  as  to  need  no  further  reply. 

Again,  that  writer  says,  "that  for  earlier  issues 
it  has  substituted  intimidation,  repudiation,  irre- 
deemable paper  currency,  and    depreciated  silver 


164  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

currency;"  but  he  brings  no  proofs  whatever  to 
sustain  his  mere  assertion. 

Not  one  word  or  syllable  does  he  find  in  any  na- 
tional platform  of  the  Democratic  party,  in  favor  of 
any  of  those  propositions,  or  even  hinting  in  that 
direction,  unless  he  assumes  that  the  remonetizing 
of  the  old  silver  dollar,  a  measure  which  a  large 
part  of  the  Republican  party  sustains,  is  a  "  depre- 
ciated currency." 

If  he  assumes  that  because  here  and  there  Green- 
backers,  so-called,  sometimes  gave  individual  utter- 
ance to  sentiments  which  he  construes  to  mean 
what  he  says,  he  should  remember  that  the  great 
Democratic  party  is  no  more  responsible  for  these, 
than  is  the  Republican  party  for  the  utterances  of 
Republicans  who  allied  themselves  with  that  party. 

The  Democratic  party  has  ever  stood  as  a  national 
party,  on  the  platform  of  a  currency  convertible 
into  coin  at  the  pleasure  of  the  holder,  which  is 
their  acknowledged  and  avowed  doctrine. 

Again,  that  writer  speaking  for  his  party,  says, 
''So  long  as  the  States  recently  in  rebellion  remain 
united,  presenting  a  solid  front,  so  long  are  their 
late  adversaries  bound  in  patriotic  prudence  to  re- 
tain an  opposing  "  attitude."  As  if  to  say  that,  be- 
cause the  Southern  people  will  not  join  their  party 
organization,  the  country  must  be  constantly 
threatened  with  the  dangers  to  be  apprehended 
from  geographical  parties.  The  problem  is  and  has 
been  since  the  war,  to  perfectly  reunite  the  severed 


Why  tve  are  Democrats.  105 

sections,  and  when  the  results  of  tlie  war  are  fully 
assured,  Avhat  matters  it  which  party  controls  in 
certain  States.  Is  no  party  to  have  any  right  to 
govern  by  consent  of  the  people,  but  a  party  in  the 
North,  calling  itself  Republican  ?  If  the  national 
Democratic  party  furnishes  a  better  common  ground 
on  which  both  sections  can  stand  and  reunite  their 
efforts  in  behalf  of  common  interests  and  the  gene- 
ral welfare,  it  is  one  giUat  result  of  the  war  not 
yet  fully  accomjjlished  until  that  has  been  done. 
The  war  was  fought  to  restore  the  Union,  and  to 
bring  back  to  their  allegiance  the  people  of  the 
South,  and  it  is  the  bounden  duty  of  every  patriot  in 
the  land  to  aid  that  party  which  gives  the  strongest 
assurance,  that  under  its  banner  this  can  be  done. 

Another  charge  this  writer  makes  against  the 
Democracy  is,  that  "  it  stood  ready,  the  war  over, 
to  call  back  into  the  old  fold  the  former  elements." 
If  the  writer  means  that  the  Democracy  were  ever 
ready  to  welcome  back  into  the  Union  the  Southern 
States,  and  Southern  people,  it  may  well  plead 
guilty  of  the  charge  (?)  and  glory  in  it  as  evidence 
of  a  true  Union  sentiment  pervading  the  entire 
party.  It  longs  for  that  result.  It  stands  like  the 
merciful  father  of  the  prodigal  son,  to  welcome 
back  with  open  arms  those  that  had  gone  out  from 
their  father's  house;  those  who  had  eaten  the  husks 
of  a  bitter  experience;  those  who  have  squandered, 
for  a  season,  their  father's  rich  inheritance.  They 
Gopie  back  with  half  a  million  of  their  youth  slain 


166  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

upon  the  battle-fields  of  their  own  section.  They 
too  have  slain  our  own  youth,  and  the  blood  of 
Americans  has  been  shed  by  their  brothers;  but  now 
that  the  war  is  over,  let  no  one  dare  to  cast  away 
an  opportunity  to  establish  a  permanent  peace  on 
the  basis  of  a  common  constitution,  and  equal  rights 
to  all  sections,  with  the  only  cause  of  sectional  ani- 
mosities permanently  removed. 

This  radical  brother,  Kke  his  prototype  in  the 
beautiful  example  given  by  the  Savior  of  the  world, 
is  himself  standing  outside  of  the  Union  "  in  an  ap- 
parent attitude  of  sullen  dissatisfaction"  at  the 
prospect  of  its  early  accomplishment,  while  the  les- 
son our  Savior  would  teach  us  is,  that  the  father 
shouM  gladly  welcome  him  back.  He  fell  upon  the 
necl'  of  his  erring  son  and  kissed  him.  He  put  the 
ring  of  adoption  upon  his  finger,  and  made  merry. 
Our  i"5avior  tells  of  his  radical  brother,  jealous  of  the 
lovo  the  father  still  bore  for  his  lost  son — no  doubt 
ready  to  call  his  father  "  disloyal,"  and  an  enemy 
to  his  family  for  thus  treating  his  prodigal,  long  lost 
and  erring  son — but  the  lesson  is  nevertheless 
taught  by  "One  wlio  taught  as  one  having  author- 
ity," and  not  as  one  of  the  self-righteous  scribes 
and  political  pharisees  we  have  in  our  day. 

We  must  do  this — self-interest  prompts  it.  We 
have  high  taxes  to  pay,  enormous  revenues  to  raise, 
a  large  amount  of  bonded  indebtedness  to  liquidate, 
and  we  need  the  fertile  fields  of  the  South,  and  the 
resources  of  that  section  of  our  country  to  aid  us  iu 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  167 

doing  it.  This  is  what  the  nation  needs.  This  is 
what  the  Democracy  wants,  and  this  is  another 
reason  why  we  are  Democrats. 

This  same  writer  assumes  that  alliance  is  sought 
by  the  Democrats  with  the  South,  in  order  that  "the 
eventual  assumption  by  the  United  States  of  their 
(the  rebel)  debt;  the  reimbursement  of  their  expendi- 
ture; the  pensioning  of  their  soldiers;  compensation 
for  their  losses  incurred  in  the  war;  compensation 
for  emancipated  slaves;  *  *  *  ^j^^  relegation  of 
the  negro  to  a  condition  of  political  nullity." 

Does  the  writer  take  his  partisan  friends,  and  the 
young  men  of  the  country  whom  he  especially  ad- 
dresses, for  fools,  lacking  common  intelligence;  or 
does  he  want  the  world  to  believe  that  he  is  either  a 
fool  himself,  or  else  the  knave  he  appears  to  be? 

The  Constitutional  amendments  settle  all  these 
questions.  Section  4,  of  article  XIV,  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  declares: 

"Section  4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of 
the  United  States,  authorized  by  law,  including 
debts  incurred  for  the  payment  of  pensions  and 
bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrection 
and  rebellion  shall  not  be  questioned.  But  neither 
the  United  States  nor  any  State,  shall  assume  or  pay 
any  debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection 
or  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  or  any  claim 
for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave;  but  all 
sucli  debts,  obligations,  and  claims  shall  be  illegal 
and  void," 


1§8  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

Can  anything  be  more  explicit  on  this  subject, 
even  were  it  not  guaranteed  by  the  universally  con- 
ceded aversion  prevailing  in  all  minds,  to  paying 
any  more  than  their  just  debts,  and  many  even  re- 
fuse to  do  that?  In  the  first  place,  no  man,  wo- 
man, or  child  advocates  such  a  proposition.  It 
could  not  be  paid,  even  if  a  majority  of  Congress, 
and  a  President  approving  it,  passed  such  a  law. 
Every  judge  in  the  United  States  is  sworn  to  be 
governed  by  that  Constitution.  It  is  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  any  law  of  the  United  or  of  any 
other  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 
In  order  to  accomplish  the  purpose  this  writer 
proclaims,  two-thirds  of  both  houses  of  Congress 
would  have  to  agree  to  submit  a  Constitutional 
amendment  striking  that  provision  from  the  Consti- 
tution, which  would  liave  to  be  ratified  by  three- 
fourths  of  the  State  legislatures  before  that  could  be 
accomplished. 

All  this  in  the  way  of  its  accomplishment,  and 
supported  by  the  universal  antipathy  of  mankind, 
the  self-interest  of  parties,  and  every  possible  ob- 
stacle in  the  way,  it  is  reserved  for  some  writer  who 
has  the  effrontery  to  charge  in  one  page  of  his  book 
that  Democrats  desire  to  repudiate  their  own  public 
debt;  and  upon  another,  that  they  desire  to  pay 
that  which  they  could  not  pay  if  they  wanted  to, 
nor  do  they  want  to  if  they  could. 

Surely  such  a  writer  would  have  the  cool  assur- 
0,nce  to  attempt  to  make  the  country  believe  that 


Why  tee  are  Democrats.  169 

Democrats  proposed  to  construct  a  railroad  to  the 
moon!  But  of  such  arguments  are  the  objections  to 
the  Democratic  party  and  its  principles  chiefly 
made  up.  They  present  no  good  reason  whatever, 
why  men  should  not  be  Democrats. 


CHAPTER  XYIIL 
THE  RATIONALE  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

WE  ARE  DEMOCRATS  BECAUSE  WE  BELIEVE  IN  THE  UNION  OF  THE 
STATES  AS  ESSENTIAL  TO  FREE  GOVERNMENT — A  DEMOCRAT 
BELIEVES  IN  ALL  PARTS  OF  HIS  COUNTRY — HE  DOES  NOT  BE- 
LIEVE IN  SECTIONALISM  OR  HEAVY  PUBLIC  DEBTS — DEMO- 
CRATS BELIEVE  IN  THE  RIGHT  OF  ELECTION  BY  THE  PEOPLE 
— IN  THE  SUPREMACY  OF  THE  CIVIL  OVER  THE  MILITARY 
POWER— IN  A  GENERAL  DIFFUSION  OF  FRIENDSHIP. 

We  are  Democrats  because  w^e  believe  that  the 
Union  of  these  States  is  absolutely  necessary  to 
preserve  free  government  in  America.  To  preserve 
tranquility  at  home,  to  insure  prosperity,  to  main- 
tain liberty  itself,  the  Union  under  our  Consti- 
tution must  be  preserved.  Because  v^e  believe 
this,  Democrats  must  never  be  found  advocat- 
ing doctrines  in  any  part  of  the  Union  calcu- 
lated to  weaken  the  ties  which  bind  every 
other  section  to  it;  must  never  listen  to  the 
promptings  of  self-interest;  such  would  lead  them 
into  a  course  of  policy  that  would  injure  the  in- 
habitants of  other  sections,  and  cause  them  to  lose 
their  affection  for  the  welfS^re  of  the  whole  country. 
They  must  regard  this  as  the  citadel  of  their  hopes, 
entrenched  within  which  all  assaults  from  without 


Why  ice  are  Democrats,  171 

can  be  easily  withstood;  nor  must  they  tolerate 
within  their  own  ranks  any  doctrines  which  would 
permit  professed  friends  to  overcome  their  vigi- 
lance. 

We  are  Democrats  because  we  believe  that  to 
cherish  this  feeling  within  our  organization  will 
influence  the  opinions  of  those  without,  and  will 
cause  them  to  share  this  anxiety,  yet  within  our 
party  will  always  be  found  the  largest  numbers  of 
our  fellow  citizens  holding  truly  national  principles 
equally  strong  and  popular  in  all  sections  of  the 
land  We  are  Democrats  because  like  Washington, 
we  frown  upon  all  attempts  from  whatever  source — 
by  whatever  means — to  alienate  any  portion  of  our 
countrymen  from  the  remainder,  "thus  enfeebling 
the  sacred  ties  "  which  bind  together  the  various 
parts. 

A  man  is  a  Democrat  because  he  believes  that  all 
parts  of  this  country.  North,  South,  East,  and  West 
have  one  common  destiny,  and  the  interests  of 
every  section  are  as  sacred  to  him  as  his  own. 

A  man  is  a  Democrat  because  he  is  the  inveterate 
and  uncompromising  enemy  of  sectionalism.  It  is 
his  duty  to  condemn  it  wherever  he  finds  it.  He 
gives  no  countenance  to  designing  men,  or  parties 
who  would  seek  to  array  any  one  section  against 
another;  or  who,  in  order  to  gain  a  personal  or 
party  advantage,  would  seek  to  ride  into  power  by 
fomenting  jealousies  and  distrust;  or  to  indulge  in 
misrepresentations  calculated  to  alienate  and   dis- 


172  Why  we  are  De7nocrats. 

tract,  rather  than  unite  and  cement  them  in  their 
loyalty  to  the  whole. 

We  are  Democrats  because,  like  Washington,  we 
do  not  believe  in  foisting  upon  the  people  heavy 
public  debts  for  posterity  to  pay.  In  just  so  far  as 
we  favor  the  opposite  course,  to  just  that  extent  we 
wander  from  those  fundamental  truths  taught  by 
the  Democratic  Fathers  of  the  Republic. 

We  are  Democrats  because  our  jealousy  is  ever 
awake  against  the  machinations  of  foreign  powers, 
which  are  inimical  to  the  prosperity  of  free  institu- 
tions. We  denounce  the  practices  of  royalty  when- 
ever sought  to  be  imitated  in  this  country.  We  op- 
pose familiarizing  freemen  to  the  methods  of 
monarchists,  or  anything  which  would  lead  them  to 
think  lightly  of  Democratic  institutions. 

We  are  Democrats  because,  like  Washington,  we 
are  opposed  to  innovations  upon  the  principles  of 
our  Government,  however  plausible  they  may  ap- 
pear. It  is  because  of  this  Democrats  have  ever 
opposed  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  granting 
new  and  additional  powers  to  the  general  Govern- 
ment, which  has  served  this  country  so  well  through 
the  whole  past  century.  It  is  our  jealousy  in  this 
regard,  and  fears  as  Washington  expressed  them, 
that  when  once  a  breach  is  made,  evils  will  come  in 
like  a  flood,  that  compels  us  to  resist.  It  is  because 
we  refuse  to  be  experimenters  upon  this  system,  that 
we  are  called  obstructionists,  and  taunted  with  a 
lack  of  progress,  whereas,  it  is  but  our  anxiety  for 


Wliy  ive  are  Democrats.  173 

the  perpetuity  of  our  institutions,  and  our  regard 
for  the  Constitution — our  loyalty  to  the  faith  of  our 
Fathers — which  induced  us  to  withhold  our  consent 
from  the  proposition  of  every  theorist  who  would 
mar  its  beauty,  harmony,  and  perpetuity,  by  en- 
grafting upon  it  some  new  amendment.  We  are 
Democrats  because  followers  of  that  great  apostle  of 
freedom,  Thomas  Jefferson.  Like  him,  we  look 
with  alarm  upon  any  encroachments  upon  the 
rights  of  man,  or  of  States. 

We  are  opposed  to  all  appliances  of  monarchists, 
like  alien  and  sedition  laws.  We  believe  that  man, 
no  matter  where  born,  what  his  religion,  or  what 
his  station  in  life,  he  has  equal  rights  as  to  religion 
or  politics,  person  or  property. 

It  is  because  we  believe  that  the  support  and 
maintainance  of  the  State  Governments,  in  all 
their  reserved  rights,  is  the  best  guardian  of  these 
rights,  that  we  resist  any  encroachments  upon 
those  rights,  and  refuse  to  have  any  of  them  exer- 
cised by  the  General  Government  not  absolutely  in 
accordance  with  the  powers  already  expressly 
granted  to  the  General  Government.  These  rights, 
we  believe,  are  as  Jefferson  expressed  it,  the  surest 
bulwark  against  anti-Republican  tendencies. 

While  we  are  thus  determined  to  maintain  these 
rights  of  States,  and  to  liand  them  down  unimpaired 
to  future  generations,  we  believe  most  emphatically 
in  preserving  the  General  Government  in  all  its 
granted  powers — and  to  administer  its  affairs  with 


174  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

all  the  vigor  necessary^  as  the  surest  method  of 
insuring  peace  among  the  States,  and  securing 
respect  from  abroad. 

"We  are  Democrats  because  we  believe  to  the  full- 
est extent  in  the  right  of  election  by  the  people. 
We  believe  that  freemen  are  capable  of  governing 
themselves,  and  have  the  honesty,  patriotism,  and 
ability  to  guard  the  polls  of  freemen  themselves, 
without  the  aid  of  Federal  bayonets,  of  Federal 
appointees,  either  to  overawe  the  electors,  or  influ- 
ence their  ballots.  We  believe  that  the  people 
need  no  guardians  at  the  polls,  least  of  all  such  as 
have  arms  in  their  hands,  supported  by  the  agents 
of  Federal  power. 

Because  we  so  believe,  we  are  falsely  charged 
with  desiring  to  perpetrate  frauds  at  elections,  and 
falsely  accused,  because  of  our  fealty  to  the  very 
foundation  principles  of  free  government,  as  enun- 
ciated by  freemen  in  all  ages. 

We  are  Democrats  because  we  believe  in  appeal- 
ing to  the  intelligence,  virtue,  and  discriminating 
justice  of  the  people;  and  demand  that  when  votes 
are  cast,  they  shall  be  counted;  and  that  when  thus 
ascertained,  the  decision  should  stand,  as  the  judg- 
ment of  the  whole,  until  another  appeal  can  be  law- 
fully made  to  the  popular  judgment. 

We  are  Democrats  because  inveterately  opposed 
to  large  standing  armies,  to  be  used  to  overawe  the 
people,  and  rob  them  of  their  liberties,  at  the  beck 
and  nod  of  executive  power.     We  believe  that  in  a 


Why  ice  are  Democrats.  175 

republic,  the  intelligent,  patriotic  militia  is  all  that 
is  needed  to  enforce  the  lawful  commands  of  exec- 
utive power. 

We  are  Democrats,  because  we  believe  in  the  su- 
premacy of  the  civil  over  the  military  power  of  the 
State;  and  are  jealous  of  any  attempt  at  military 
coercion,  until  all  efforts  to  enforce  lawful  demands 
by  the  civil  authorities  have  failed. 

Democrats  believe  in  economy  of  the  public  ex 
penditures,  not  only  as  Jefferson  says,  ''  that  labor 
may  be  lightly  burthened,"  but  because  large  ex- 
penditures breed  corruption  in  the  public  service 
and  induce  unseemly  scrambling  for  public  ser- 
vice. 

The  man  who  wonJd  repudiate  a  public  debt  may 
call  himself  a  Democrat,  but  is  not  in  accord  with 
the  teachings  of  his  party. 

The  public  faith  and  honor  is  a  high  trust,  which 
cannot  be  violated  without  producing  demoraliza- 
tion in  private  life.  Our  efforts  to  prevent  the  pub- 
lic treasury  from  being  robbed  by  legalized  plunder- 
ers, is  no  indication  that  we  are  repudiationists  of 
honest  debts. 

Men  are  Democrats  because  they  believe  in  en- 
couraging commerce  and  agriculture  as  the  surest 
method  of  elevating  those  engaged  in  these  pursuits 
so  largely  composing  the  yeomanry  of  the  country. 

Notwithstanding  the  falsehoods  of  uur  opponents, 
charging  Democrats  with  being,  not  only'ignorant 
themselves,  but  having  a  desire  to  keep  others  so,  we 


176  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

arcj  like  Jefferson,  in  favor  of  "a  general  diffusion  of 
information — of  public  and  private  education,"  be- 
cause our  confidence  in  the  people  is  based  upon  a 
correct  judgment  formed  by  the  people  upon  all 
public  questions.  The  slanders  of  opponents  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  this  regard,  is  incomprehensi- 
ble, when  every  public  act  of  theirs,  and  the  expres- 
sions of  their  leading  minds,  have  always  been  pre- 
cisely to  the  contrary. 

The  intelligent  ballot,  cast  by  intelligent  men,  is 
what  Democracy  relies  upon  to  support  its  meas- 
ures. What  it  fears  most,  is  the  persuasive  elo- 
quence of  purchasing  power,  without  integrity  and 
intelligence  to  direct  itself. 

It  is  no  disgrace  to  say,  that  the  common  laboring 
classes  of  the  country  are  more  inclined  to  support 
the  Democracy,  than  are  the  rich,  intelligent  and 
aristocratic  classes.  This  may  be  true,  and  yet  not 
prove  that  men  who  belong  to  this  class  are  not  suf- 
ficiently intelligent  to  know  what  is  best  for  their 
own  interest.  It  is  but  natural  for  men  who  have 
lived  under  political  bondage,  in  the  aristocracies 
of  the  old  world,  when  they  caine  hei"e  to  people  a 
new  one,  devoted  to  liberty,  to  instil  into  the  minds 
of  their  children,  the  doctrines  of  true  and  genuine 
Democracy,  to  be  handed  down  from  generation  to 
generation  as  such.  It  is  because  they  know  that 
wealth,  power,  and  political  influence  is  oftimes  the 
bitterest  enemy  of  free  government,  and  hence  they 
array  themselves  under  the  banner  of  Democracy,  in 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  177 

order  to  guard  and  preserve  what  they  have  left  of 
liberty. 

This  is  not  asserting  that  ignorance  is  not  to  be 
found  in  the  ranks  of  Democracy;  nor  that  vice 
never  invades  its  precincts;  but  we  do  assert  that 
the  principles  of  Democracy  teach  precisely  the 
opposite  doctrine,  viz:  that  intelligence  in  the 
masses  is  the  safeguard  of  our  institutions. 


CHAPTEE  XIX. 

THE  RATIONALE  OF  DEMOCRACY   CON- 
TINUED. 

DEMOCRATS  FAVOR  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY— THE  FREEDOM  OF  THE 
PRESS— "  HABEAS  CORPUS" — DEMOCRATS  ARE  DISCIPLES  OF 
WASHINGTON,  JEFFERSON,  MADISON,  JACKSON— OPPOSE  LARGE 
STANDING  ARMIES— ROTATION  IN  OFFICE. 

Men  are  Democrats,  because  they  favor  religious 
liberty-  -freedom  in  religious  faith  and  worship — to 
the  fullest  extent.  No  political  rights  can  be  taken 
from  any,  nor  privileges  added,  not  possessed  equally 
by  all.  Hence  in  years  gone  by,  when  a  crusade 
was  made  against  the  Catholic  religion.  Democrats 
defended  them  against  any  persecution,  or  proscrip- 
tion on  that  account.  It  was  charged  against  them 
that  they  favored  the  Catholic  church  as  against 
others.  The  charge  was  unjust  as  it  was  unneces- 
sary. Should  any  denomination,  whether  Catholic, 
or  Protestant,  assume  to  control  the  affairs  of  State, 
by  means  of  legislation,  whether  favorable  to  them- 
selves, or  derogatory  to  others,  none  would  more 
readily  condemn  them  than  Democrats,  educated  in 
these  fundamental  principles  of  free  government. 
Persecution  or  proscription  for  opinion's  sake  meets 
at  all  times,  with  the  severest  condemnation  from 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  179 

the  Democracy,  if  they  remain  true  to  the  principles 
they  profess. 

Men  are  Democrats,  because  they  believe  in  the 
freedom  of  the  press.  No  "  sedition  law  "  has  ever 
received  the  sanction  of  an  American  Democrat 
who  understood  the  principles  he  professed.  When, 
tlicrefore,  during  the  war,  the  Democratic  press 
criticised  the  action  of  the  administration,  and  their 
presses  were  sought  to  be  stopped  by  military 
orders,  Democrats  denounced  such  measures,  be- 
cause they  violated  two  fundamental  principles  in 
their  creed,  and  they  could  not  permit  these  viola- 
tions to  go  unchallenged  even  though  in  time  of 
war,  lest  by  silence  they  gave  consent,  that  these 
rights  should  be  lost,  though  guaranteed  to  them,  in 
the  Constitution  of  their  country.  They  believe  em- 
phatically in  the  doctrine  of  Jefferson,  "  that  error 
of  opinion  may  readily  be  tolerated,  when  reason  is 
left  free  to  combat  it."  Hence  it  was,  that  because 
they  insisted  that  their  constitutional  rights  should 
not  be  invaded,  that  they  were  wrongfully  charged 
with  sympathy  with  those  in  rebellion,  when  in 
truth  and  in  fact,  it  was  their  strongest  desire  to 
maintain  free  institutions,  in  war  as  well  as  in 
peace,  as  the  surest  bulwark  of  our  liberties. 

Men  are  Democrats  because  they  believe  the  per- 
son should  at  all  times  be  protected  by  the  great 
writ  of  habeas  corpus.  That  it  is  the  inalienable 
right  of  every  person  to  have  himself  brought  be- 
fore   any    court,    when   the    same    is    open     arid 


180  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

unobstructed  by  insurrection  or  rebellion,  to  learn  the 
reason  of  his  imprisonment.  That  no  man  not  in 
the  military  or  naval  service  of  his  country,  can  be 
lawfully  thrust  into  prison  without  being  charged 
with  a  crime,  made  so  by  the  law,  indicted  and 
speedily  tried  by  a  jury  of  his  peers.  They  deny  the 
right  of  any  authority  to  suspend  this  writ  of  lib- 
erty, except  inhere  rebellion  and  insurrection  makes 
it  impossible  to  hold  court,  unawed  by  armed  forces. 
Men  may  have  committed  crimes  or  may  not  have 
done  so.  When  thrust  into  prison,  Democrats  be- 
lieve that  persons  have  a  right  to  have  their  cases 
speedily  adjudged.  They  believe  this  is  a  sacred 
right,  guaranteed  to  every  Englishman  since  the 
days  of  Magna  Charta,  and  secured  to  Americans  in 
every  American  Constitution;  and  hence  they  have 
at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances,  resisted 
and  denounced  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  power,  no 
matter  by  whom  attempted,  or  under  what  circum- 
stances exercised,  save  within  the  lines  of  military 
occupation.  In  the  advocacy  of  these  principles  they 
have  been  fully  sustained  by  the  supreme  court  in 
every  case  brouglit  before  it. 

Men  are  Democrats,  because  they  believe  in  trials 
by  jury  impartially  selected.  They  deny  the  right 
of  military  commanders  to  try  by  courts  martial, 
civilians  not  in  the  military  service;  but  insist  that 
all  such  trials  shall  be  by  juries  of  their  peers,  im- 
partially selected,  and  upon  indictments  4)resented 
by  grand  juries.    In  this,  alsOj)  they  have  been  sus- 


Why  we  are  Democrats. '  181 

tained  by  the  courts,  whenever  a  case  has  been  pre- 
sented. Thus  it  is  that  Democratic  principles 
require  absolute  personal  liberty  to  the  citizen,  as 
guaranteed  by  every  State  Constitution  as  well  as 
of  the  United  States,  which  is  the  supreme'law  of 
the  land.  "  Democracy  is  the  true  conservator  of 
life,  liberty,  labor  and  property." 

Passing  from  the  doctrines  of  Washington  and 
Jefferson,  to  those  enunciated  by  Madison,  we  find 
the  same  harmony  between  them  all  existing.  They 
are  all  impliedly  guaranteed,  if  not  expressly  so,  in 
the  spirit  of  our  Constitutions.  It  is  a  system  that 
cannot  be  safely  administered  upon  any  other  plan, 
than  in  accordance  with  these  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  Democracy.  Madison,  the  framer  of  our 
Constitution,  "the  Father "  of  it,  as  he  is  called, 
understood  well  those  principles,  and  sought  to  have 
them  engrafted  thereon;  and  when  he  came  to 
administer  the  affairs  of  govei'nment  under  it,  he 
faithfully  applied  them.  He  but  repeated  substan- 
tially what  his  compeers  had  announced  before  him. 
Nothing  could  be  more  explicit  in  enunciating  De- 
mocratic principles,  than  his  declaration  that  the 
support  of  the  Constitution  is  the  cement  of  the 
Union,  as  well  in  its  limitations  as  in  its  authorities; 
and  to  respect  the  rights  and  authorities  reserved  to 
the  States  and  the  people,  as  equally  incorporated 
therein,  and  essential  to  the  success  of  the  general 
system.  Without  maintaining  these,  success  cannot 
be  secured.     Every  violation  brings  with  it  trouble 


183  ,  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

and  confusion.  So  'through  all  his  compend  of 
principles,  by  which  he  would  guide  his  oflScial 
actions,  we  have  the  utterances  of  a  thoroughly 
educated  Democrat,  in  the  principles  of  his  party. 

So,  §lso,  when  we  come  to  the  days  of  Jackson, 
through  the  whole  series  of  his  messages  are  found 
these  same  leading  principles  of  the  Democratic 
party. 

Experience  had  only  the  more  indelibly  impressed 
them  upon  his  mind,  and  by  him  upon  the  American 
people.  His  caution  was,  that  we  do  not  confound 
the  powers  reserved  to  the  States,  with  those  granted 
by  them.  Thus  it  was,  that  when  nullification 
raised  its  head  under  his  administration,  he  crushed 
it  by  the  exercise  of  just  powers  expressly  granted, 
without  in  the  least  violating  any  of  the  reserved 
rights  of  the  States. 

He  announced  the  great  advantage  of  economy 
in  public  expenditures  as  resulting  in  purity  to  its 
administration  —  absolutely  necessary  for  the  per- 
manence of  free  government.  Luxury  and  corrup- 
tion have  ever  been  the  forerunners  of  the  downfall 
of  republics  —  and  why  not  be  vigilant,  lest  they 
secure  a  foothold  in  this?  Why  not  check  and 
eradicate  the  evil,  while  freemen  have  power? 

Men  are  Democrats  because  they  believe  this  is 
their  duty.  If  they  wander  away  from  the  practice 
of  these  principles,  they  are  forgetting  the  most 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  188 

important  part  of  their  duty  to  their  party  and  to 
their  country. 

Men  are  Democrats  when  they  do  not  believe  ''a 
public  debt  to  be  a  public  blessing."  Jackson  de- 
clared its  unnecessary  duration  ''incompatible  with 
real  independence."  It  is  a  species  of  slavery, 
which  no  true  Democrat  desires  to  see  continued  a 
day  longer  than  necessary.  It  creates  a  bond  aris- 
tocracy, who  live  upon  the  revenues  extracted  from 
the  laboring  class,  hanging  like  an  incubus  upon 
the  enterprize  and  business  of  the  country,  which 
no  true  lover  of  his  country  will  permit  one  moment 
longer  than  possible.  It  is  a  false  theory,  and  false 
Democracy  which  teaches  that  posterity  shall  pay 
the  debts  we  contract.  They  will  have  enough  to 
do  to  discharge  their  own  obligations.  No  people 
are  truly  free,  until  they  are  entirely  free  from  debt. 
To  bond  communities.  States,  or  the  United  States, 
unless  absolutely  necessary  for  the  preservation  or 
security  of  their  lives,  liberty, '  or  property,  is 
undemocratic,  and  should  not  be  indulged  in  if  pos- 
sible to  avoid. 

The  collection  of  revenue,  either  by  internal  taxes 
or  by  tariffs,  has  always  been  a  bone  of  contention 
between  political  parties. 

The  doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party  has  ever 
been,  that  the  safest  place  for  the  people's  money 
was  in  their  pockets,  until  required;  hence,  no  more 
should  be  collected  by  any  meansj  than  just  enough 


184  Why  tve  at^e  Democrats. 

to  defray  public  expenditures,  and  pay  the  public 
debt.  High  protective  tariffs  on  specific  articles 
has  never  been  a  favorite  mode  of  raising  revenue, 
with  that  party.  President  Jackson  advised  that  it 
should  be  levied  in  a  spirit  of  equity,  caution,  and 
compromise,  requiring  that  the  great  interests  of 
agriculture,  manufactures,  and  commerce  be  equal- 
ly favored.  When  possible  to  meet  required  expen- 
ditures, a  low  tariff  has  been  a  favorite  motto  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

A  high  protective  tariff  is  a  species  of  class  legis- 
lation, at  variance  with  Democratic  principles, 
which  seeks  to  protect  the  greatest  number,  grant- 
ing special  privileges  to  none. 

All  Democrats  oppose  large  standing  armies,  be- 
lieving them  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  peo- 
ple, unnecessarily  expensive,  and  of  no  general 
utility,  excepting  to  guard  our  western  frontiers 
from  the  sudden  incursions  of  Indians,  They,  how- 
ever, place  great  reliance  upon  citizen  soldiers  in 
case  of  necessity,  as  sufficient  to  protect  the  govern- 
ment in  any  emergency.  It  is,  perhaps,  sufficient 
to  say,  that  these  expectations  were  amply  fulfilled 
during  the  late  war,  when  millions  of  men,  from  all 
the  avocations  of  life,  were  speedily  transferred 
from  recruits  to  veterans. 

The  principles  held  by  Jackson,  that  the  people 
should  elect  the  President,  without  the  interposition 
of  Congress,  is  in  accordance  with  that  other  Dem<Ti- 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  185 

cratic  principle  announced  by  Jefferson — the  sacred 
right  of  election  by  the  people,  and  an  -absolute  ac- 
quiescence in  the  will  of  the  majority.  The  legal 
votes  cast,  Democracy  demands,  shall  be  counted; 
and  that  by  no  trickery  or  fraud,  or  technicality, 
shall  the  sovereign  voter  be  defrauded  out  of  this 
sacred  right  of  a  freeman  by  interested  agents. 

Rotation  in  office  has  always  been  a  cardinal  doc- 
trine of  Democracy.  That  no  privileged  class  born  to 
office  should  be  tolerated,  but  that  public  place  and 
position  should  be  open  to  all.  That  frequent 
changes  of  public  office  preserves  purity  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  public  affairs,  and  therefore  highly 
beneficial  to  the  general  welfare.  President  Jack- 
son said,  "that  corruption  would  spring  up  among 
those  long  in  power,"  and  therefore  he  claimed  ap- 
pointments should  not  exceed  the  period  of  four 
years;  and  he  favored  removals  from  office,  as  a 
leading  principle  which  would  give  healthful  action 
to  the  political  system. 

In  cases  of  real  doubt,  it  has  ever  been  a  favorite 
doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party,  to  submit  such 
questions  to  a  direct  vote  of  the  people,  a  practice 
which  has  of  later  years  become  nearly  general  in 
some  States  of  the  Union. 

Jackson  declared  this  "to  be  a  submission  to  the 
source  of  all  power,  the  most  sacred  of  all  obliga- 
tions;, and  the  most  wise  and  safe  course  to  pur- 
sue/' 


186  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

We  are  Democrats,  then,  because  we  believe  in 
these  principles.  We  believe  the  just  application 
of  them  has  made  this  country  what  it  is,  and  that 
a  proper  observance  of  them  will  continue  to  bring 
us  peace  and  prosperity  in  the  future. 


CHAPTEE  XX. 
SUMMAEY. 

DEMOCRACY  OPPOSED  TO  THE  CENTRALIZATION  OF  THE  GENERAL 
GOVERNMENT  —  TO  SUMPTUARY  LAWS  —  HIGH  PROTECTION 
TARIFFS— TO  THE  UNION  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE— DEMOCRATS 
BELIEVE  IN  THE  BALLOT— HOME  RULE — HARD  MONEY— THE 
RIGHTS  OF  LABOR — THE  DEMOCRACY  NEVER  TAUGHT  RE- 
BELLION. 

We  are  Democrats,  therefore,  because  we  beliv3ve 
as  we  have  repeatedly  declared  and  reaffirmed,  in 
National  platforms,  that  these  principles  are  Con- 
stitutional doctrines  in  accordance  with  the  teach- 
ings and  examples  of  a  long  line  of  Democratic 
statesmen  and  patriots.  We  are  Democrats  because 
we  are  opposed  to  centralization  in  the  General 
Government,  and  to  that  dangerous  spirit  of  en- 
croachment which  tends  to  consolidate  all  in  one, 
and  thus  to  create,  whatever  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, a  real  despotism.  We  are  opposed  to  high 
protective  tariffs;  opposed  to  sectional  parties,  op- 
posed to'  a  union  of  Church  and  State;  opposed  to 
regulating  elections  in  the  States  by  the  Federal 
authority,  no  matter  under  what  pretexts,  so  long 
as  the  people  are  willing  to  hold  them  under  their 
own  local.  State  laws. 


188  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

We  are  Democrats  because  we  believe  in  the 
education  of  the  masses — the  basis  of  an  intelligent 
ballot;  we  favor  the  fostering  and  protection  by 
State  action,  of  common  schools.  We  believe  in 
home-rule,  the  strict  maintenance  of  the  public 
faith,  state  and  national;  in  honest  money,  consist- 
ing of  gold  and  silver,  and  of  paper  convertible  into 
coin  on  demand;  we  believe  in  a  tariff  for  revenue 
in  the  subordination  of  the  military  to  the 
civil  power;  in  a  genuine  and  thorough  reform  of 
the  civil  service,  by  prohibiting  by  law  the  appoint- 
ment of  men  to  office  guilty  of  frauds  upon  the 
government  or  the  people,  in  depriving  them  of  the 
fruits  of  fair  elections;  we  believe  in  a  free  ballot, 
the  right  preservative  of  all  rights,  and  pledge  our- 
selves to  sustain  this  right  at  all  hazards;  we  believe 
in  free  ships,  and  a  living  chance  for  American 
ships  upon  the  seas;  and  on  land  no  discriminat- 
ion in  favor  of  monopolies,  corporations,  or  trans- 
portation lines;  we  believe  in  public  money  and 
public  credit,  for  public  purposes  solely;  in  public 
lands  for  actual  settlers  only.  The  Democratic 
party  pledges  itself  as  the  friend  of  labor  and  labor- 
ing man,  and  to  protect  him  alike  against  the 
cormorants  and  the  commune. 

These  are  the  utterances  of  the  Democracy  in 
National  Conventions  assembled,  the  only  body 
which  can  speak  for  the  party;  and  these  are  some 
of  the  reasons,  we  think  sufficient,  why  every  patri- 
otic citizen  should  be  a  Democrat. 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  189 

The  foregoing  are  some  of  the  most  prominent 
principles  enunciated  by  tliose  who  aided  in  fram- 
ing and  first  administering  the  affairs  of  our  gov- 
ernment; and  whose  principles  have  almost,  if  not 
altogether,  as  a  whole,  been  adopted  by  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  the  country. 

Who  will  dare  to  say  they  are  not  eminently  wise, 
valuable  and  good  ? 

What  change  has  taken  place  since  that  date,  in 
mankind,  or  the  country  we  inhabit,  that  does  not 
make  them  just  as  applicable  now,  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs,  as  on  the  day  they  were 
uttered  ? 

It  may  be  said  that  the  Democratic  party  has  not 
always  adhered  to  them!  That  may  be  so,  but  that 
is  no  valid  objection  against  the  principles,  them- 
selves. They  are  as  valuable  to-day  as  ever  they 
were,  if,  indeed,  not  more  so;  and  it  is  to  call  atten- 
tion to  them  that  these  pages  are  written,  with  the 
hope  that  they  may  fall  into  the  possession  of  those 
who  will  never  cease  to  urge  them  upon  the  atten- 
tion of  the  public. 

But  it  is  not  conceded  that  the  party  departed 
from  the  practice  of  those  cardinal  principles  of 
Democracy.  Exceptional  cases  do  not  destroy  gene- 
ral rules. 

As  an  army  is  not  to  be  judged  of  its  purposes  by 
the  deeds  of  a  few  foragers  without  authority;  of  a 
few  camp  followers,  for  place  or  power;  or  by  de- 
serters, who  betray  the  confidence  reposed  in  them. 


1$0  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

So  no  political  party  can  be  fairly  judged  by  what  a 
feiv  of  its  adherents  may  do  or  say.  Or  it  may  be 
that  even  professed  leaders  like  Benedict  Arnold, 
may  prove  traitors  to  the  cause  they  once  espoused; 
still  the  great  heart,  and  mind,  and  purpose  of  an 
army,  the  spirit  of  it,  so  to  speak,  is  tlie  criterion  by 
which  it  is  to  be  judged,  and  not  by  the  faults  of  its 
unfaithful  friends. 

So  with  the  Democratic  party.  It  may  have  been 
led  into  entertaining  false  views  sometimes;  doubt- 
less it  has  been  betrayed  by  trusted  friends,  as  well 
as  denounced  and  misrepresented  by  open  and 
avowed  enemies;  still,  whatever  may  be  said  of  it, 
these  principles  announced  are  the  principles  of  the 
American  Democracy,  by  the  application  of  which 
they  have  sought  to  administer  the  affairs  of  gov- 
ernment. 

Whoever  denounces  them  has  no  claim  to  be 
called  a  Democrat.  Whoever  will  not  support  and 
defend  them  is  unworthy  the  name.  They  are  tlie 
principles,  nevertheless,  of  that  great  party  which 
has  for  so  many  years  in  the  past,  and  if  this  is  to 
remain  a  free  country,  must  in  the  future  be  again 
called  to  the  administration  of  its  affairs;  at  least 
these  principles  must  he  applied  in  the  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs,  by  whatsoever  name  the 
party  may  be  called,  if  the  administration  is  to  be  a 
successful  one.  The  foundation  of  the  government 
is  laid  upon  these;  all  its  machinery  is  adjusted  with 
reference  to  them,  and  the  moment  they  are  mi  sap- 


VTJiy  IV e  are  Democrats  191 

plied  or  omitted,  confusion  and  irregularity  will  be 
the  result.  Thence  it  is  that  the  party  that  best  un- 
derstands them — is  most  devotedly  attached  to  them, 
gives  the  best  assurance  of  good  government  under 
them,  and  hence  the  reasons  for  the  endurance  of 
the  Democratic  party. 

The  Democratic  party  has  a  distinct  policy  to  an- 
nounce upon  every  great  question,  if  it  pays  any  * 
regard  to  its  landmarks.  It  has  the  people  upon  its 
side,  if  it  remain  true  to  its  principles,  as  it  ought. 
It  has  the  hope  and  promise  of  final  reward,  by  the 
complete  establishment  of  its  principles,  if  it  dis- 
charges its  duty  which  it  naturally  owes  to  the 
people. 

These  pages  are  not  designed  as  a  history  of  the 
party.  To  enter  into  a  critical  examination  of  all 
its  acts,  and  those  of  its  agents,  for  sixty  years  be- 
fore it  was  displaced  from  power  in  the  General 
Government,  would  fill  volumes  instead  of  a  few 
pages;  still  it  would  prove  the  assertions  here  made 
to  be  true.  The  party  has  ever  looked  upon  the 
Union  of  these  States  as  the  first  great  requisite  of 
peace  and  prosperity.  The  fact  that  whole  States 
rebelled  against  the  authority  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment is  no  proof  that  the  principles  of  that  gov- 
ernment itself  were  defective.  So,  too,  the  fact 
that  Democrats  in  the  seceding  States,  together 
with  the  old  line  Whigs  who  still  remained,  disre- 
garded  the    teachings   of  Washington,  Jefferson, 


193  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

Madison,  and  Jackson — especially  the  latter — who 
taught  them  directly  to  the  contrary,  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  and  violated  those  principles  held 
sacred  by  the  Democratic  party,  is  just  as  little 
proof  that  the  principles  of  that  party  are  unsound 
as  was  the  government  itself  unstable. 

Therefore  the  charge  that  the  Democracy  taught 
rebellion  is  utterly  false  and  unfounded — precisely 
the  contrary  is  its  teaching.  Absolute  acquies- 
cence in  the  will  of  the  majority,  constitutionally 
expressed,  is  their  doctrine  on  that  point;  hence  no 
cause  for  rebellion  existed.  It  is  folly  to  charge 
this  great  mistake  as  one  made  by  the  teachings  of 
a  great  party.  It  was  in  defiance  of  its  teachings 
and  not  in  accordance  with  it,  that  the  deed  was 
done. 

When  the  war  was  over,  there  was,  and  still  is 
greater  reason  for  the  application  of  those  sound 
principles  of  the  National  Democracy  to  the  admin- 
istration of  public  affairs.  True  to  its  principles, 
its  mission  will  never  be  ended,  while  the  present 
form  of  our  government  endures. 

As  the  number  of  States  and  inhabitants  increase, 
and  the  borders  of  the  country  become  enlarged, 
there  is  greater  need  then  ever  before,  for  the  appli- 
cation of  them,  in  order  to  give  peace  and  security 
to  the  whole  country. 

This,  then,  is  the  faith  and  mission  of  the  great 
Democratic  party  of  the  country.      These  are  some 


♦  Why  ive  are  Democrats.  193 

of  its  principles,  which  it  were  well  if  everj  member 
of  the  party,  indeed,  of  all  parties,  would  ponder 
well,  and  apply  in  directing  the  votes  which  they 
have  to  cast. 


CHAPTEE  XXI. 

WHY  NOT  BE  A  DEMOCRAT  ? 

EVERY  LOVER  OP  TRUTH  AND  FREEDOM  SHOULD  BE  A  DEMOCRAT— TBfi 
CREED  OF  DEMOCRACY  IS  ONE  OF  WHICH  A  MAN  MAY  BE  PROUD- 
THERE  is]  "'WEALTH,  4  INTELLIGENCE  AND  RESPECTABILITY'' 
AMONGST  DEMOCRATS  AS  WELL  AS  REPUBLICANS — THE  PART"V 
COUNTS  IN  ITS  RANKS  SUCH  MEN  AS  JEFFERSON,  MADISON, 
MONROE,  JACKSON,  POLK,  WRIGHT,  MARCY  AND  DOUGLAS  —  DE- 
MOCRACY THOUGH  our  OF  POWER  IS  INFLUENTIAL— REPUBLI- 
CANS ON  THE  THRESHOLD  OF  WAR— PATRIOTIC  DEMOCRACY 
SAVED  THE  UNION — WHY  NOT  BE  A  DEMOCRAT  ? 

Then  why  not  be  a  Democrat  ?  In  view  of  the 
soundness  of  their  principles,  and  the  results  to  be 
attained,  when  asked  why  we  are  Democrats,  we 
might  retort.  Why  not  be  such?  What  is  to  hinder 
men  from  being  Democrats  ?  No  matter  what 
amount  of  "  intelligence,  respectability,  and 
wealth "  a  man  may  possess,  the  Constitution  of 
our  country  gives  to  the  poor  man,  without  regard 
to  race  or  color,  an  equal  voice  in  the  affairs  of  the 
nation — the  right  to  vote  as  he  pleases.  He  has  a 
constitutional  right  to  be  a  Democrat,  and  why 
should  he  not  be  one?  Every  man  should  vote  as  he 
conceives  the  best  interests  of  his  country  demand, 
without  regard  to  the  ''  respectability"  (?)  of  his  po- 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  195 

litical  faith.  Truth  is  not  always  considered ''re- 
spectable." Christ  was  crucified  by  "respectable" 
Jews,  "who  then  belonged  to  the  "  dominant"  party 
in  their  church — the  scribes  and  pharisees  of  their 
day.  He  ate  with  "  publicans  and  sinners,"  not  at 
all  "  respectable  "  in  the  eyes  of  his  critics.  He 
was  "only  the  carpenter's  son " — the  son  of  a  me- 
chanic; they  said  he  cast  out  devils  by  Beelzebub; 
he  was  denounced  as  a  traitor  to  his  church,  and  a 
rebel  against  God,  and  yet  he  was  really  "Lord  of 
all."  His  doctrines  were  true,  and  did  prevail.  So, 
too,  our  inquiry  should  be  after  truth,  and  we 
should  not  be  frightened  from  embracing  it,  by  the 
cry  of  "  rebels,  traitors,  enemies  of  their  country, 
supported  by  the  worst  classes  of  society,"  and  all 
tliat  kind  of  talk,  addressed  to  prejudices,  instead 
of  the  reason  and  judgment  of  men.  In  view  of  the 
fact,  as  we  have  seen,  that  the  Democracy  of  this 
country  have  established  a  system  of  political  ac- 
tion unsurpassed  in  its  good  effects  upon  the  coun- 
try, we  may  well  ask  any  man,  "  Why  not  be  a 
Democrat  ? 

To  look  only  to  wealth,  intelligence,  and  "respect- 
ability," from  which  to  learn  your  political  duty, 
and  govern  your  interests,  is  not  sufficiently  safe, 
nor  is  it  patriotic,  in  a  country  like  ours.  Intelli- 
gence, wealth  and  respectability  are  no  crimes. 
They  are  nothing  to  be  ashamed  of.  It  is  a  result 
every  true  man  may  be  ambitious  to  honorably  ob- 
tain; and  it  is  no  reason  why  you  should  not  be  a 


196  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

Democrat.  There  are  hosts  of  Democrats  who  are 
intelligent,  wealthy  and  respectable.  There  is  noth- 
ing in  their  creed  that  need  bring  the  blush  of 
shame  to  the  cheeks  of  any  man.  The  man  who 
pins  his  political  faith  to  respectability  and  wealth 
alone  may  live  to  see  his  errors  when  too  late.  The 
aristocracy  of  England  is  wealthy,  respectable  and 
presumedly  intelligent,  yet  it  rules  the  English  na- 
tion; and  the  j»eqpZe  only  have  such  power  as  they 
have  from  time  to  time  wrested  from  the  ruling 
class.  The  ruling  class  of  all  monarchies,  and  aris- 
tocracies, might  well  make  the  same  arguments 
those  do,  that  they  belong  to  the  "intelligent, 
wealthy,  respectable  "  party.  But  if  left  alone  to 
that  class,  where  will  the  toiling  millions  be  ?  The 
Democracy  seeks  to  elevate  the  lower  classes.  Be- 
fore the  war,  it  had  gone  to  the  very  verge  of  sound 
principle,  to  lay  broad  and  deep  the  foundations  of 
popular  suffrage;  and  when  four  millions  of  ignor- 
ant slaves  were  to  be  suddenly  brought  to  the  ballot 
box,  they /eo?'ed  the  result;  but  now  that  it  is  so, 
they  feel  that  safety  only  exists  in  educating  and 
elevating  them  to  be  worthy  citizens,  rather  than 
idle,  ignorant  and  vicious  ones.  Democratic  prin- 
ciples demand  this. 

Democracy  seeks  to  give  all  classes  an  equal 
voice  in  the  affairs  of  government.  It  binds  them 
down  to  no  "property  qualification."  It  insists  that 
mantis  a  man  for  a' that."  It  is  a  fact,  that  if 
only  wealth  and  so-called  respectability  were  per- 


/"%  we  are  Democrats.  197 

mitted  to  govern  a  country,  the  lower  classes  of  so- 
ciety would  soon  descend  to  be  mere  slaves.  It  is 
the  ballot  which  elevates  the  masses.  Giving-  them 
an  equal  interest  in  public  affairs,  excites  them  to 
acquire  information,  stimulates  education  among 
them,  and  lifts  them  up  to  a  higher  plane  of  exist- 
ence; and  to  say  that  a  party  is  unworthy  of  popu- 
lar support— the  support  of  the  young  men— because 
of  its  sympathy  with  the  struggles  of  the  laboring 
classes,  because  it  has  attracted  the  toiling  millions 
to  its  banner^  is  no  reason  why  they  should  not  be 
Democrats;  but  rather  should  it  be  a  stronger  rea- 
son why  they  should,  early  in  life,  espouse  the 
cause,  and  unite  their  fortunes  with  the  party  of 
those  grand  old  principles  which  have  made  Amer- 
ica what  it  is  to-day — the  home  of  liappy  millions  of 
laboring  men  who  have  fled  from  the  oppression  of 
the  ''wealthy,  respectable,  aristocratic"  class 
which  governs  Europe.  Instead  of  being  ashamed 
to  espouse  such  a  cause,  let  them  be  proud  to  ask 
"why  should  I  not  be  a  Democrat?  Why  not  be 
one  of  those  who  seek  to  give  the  toiling  millions  an 
equal  chance  in  the  battle  of  life. 

But  we  deny  that  '•  wealth,  intelligence,  and  re- 
spectability "  is  alone  found  in  the  ranks  of  opposers 
of  the  Democracy.  For  sixty  years  before  the  war, 
intelligent  and  respectable  men  governed  this  coun- 
try, and  they  were  Democrats.  The  Democracy 
added  to  the  magnificent  domains  of  the  country, 
East,  along  the   Atlantic   seaboard,  and  the  even 


198  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

more  magnificent  Territories  of  the  almost  bound- 
less West. 

It  stretched  out  its  borders  even  across  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  to  the  far-off  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and 
opened  to  the  sea  the  borders  of  the  land  to  the 
South,  through  which  flows  the  ''  father  of  waters," 
on  the  shores  of  which  are  laid  broad  and  deep  the 
foundations  of  mighty  States.  It  advocates  doc- 
trines which  will  let  each  State  take  care  of  its  own 
interests,  while  it  also  performs  its  duty  to  the 
whole,  thus  establishing  a  family  of  States,  "a  na- 
tion "  such  as  no  country  on  earth  can  be  com- 
pared with,  which  in  the  intelligence  and  happi- 
ness and  freedom  of  the  "lower  orders  of  so- 
ciety;" at  whom  the  "lords"  of  the  land  would 
sneer,  because  they  are  Democrats.  This  great 
party  numbered  among  its  leaders,  a  Jeffer- 
son, a  Madison,  Monroe,  Jackson,  Polk,  Wright, 
Marcy,  Douglass,  and  a  host  of  intelligent,  noble 
patriotic  Statesmen,  than  which  no  country,  or 
party,  can  claim  superior  in  the  education  neces- 
sary to  frame  and  administer  the  affairs  of  the  most 
free,  and  best  government  on  earth.  Ashamed  of 
being  a  Democrat  ? 

'Just  as  soon 
Let  midnight  be  ashamed  of  noon." 

Why  then  not  be  a  Democrat?  When  such  as 
those  have  gone  before  and  blazed  the  way  through 
9,  forest  of  difficulties,  until  our  country  has  emerged 


Wliy  ive  are  Democrats.  199 

upon  broad  plains.  Under  the  brilliant  sunlight  of 
past  experience,  we  can  now  see  our  way  under  the 
blessings  of  Providence,  as  over  the  plains  of  the 
West,  far  as  the  eye  of  imagination  can  reach,  and 
beneath  it  a  country  blooming  and  blossoming  as 
the  rose. 

Then  look  at  the  past  twenty  years  and  over, 
since  the  Democracy  have  gone  out  of  power,  but 
not  retired  from  influencing  public  affairs.  The 
darkest  spot  upon  our  country's  page  has  been 
those  twenty  years.  No  other  twenty  years  have 
equalled  them  in  human  woe,  misery  and  distress. 
Out  of  this  woe,  this  misery,  God  brought  the  coun- 
try at  last,  we  believe  more  resplendent  with  true 
glory,  than  ever  before. 

The  dark  spot  of  human  slavery  was  wiped  from 
its  disc;  but  it  was  not  the  Republican  party  that 
alone  did  it.  True,  their  agitation  of  the  slavery 
question,  and  the  corresponding  fanaticism  of  the 
South,  plunged  the  country  into  a  civil  war,  but  at 
its  commencement  the  Republican  party  resolved  to 
amend  the  Federal  Constitution  so  as  to  secure  slav- 
ery in  the  States  where  it  existed.  It  was  wiped 
out  as  the  result  of  war,  which  every  patriotic 
citizen  would  gladly  have  averted,  but  an  overrul- 
ing Providence  strangely  brought  about  the  result, 
and  no  one  party  can  lay  claim  to  it  alone. 

The  Republican  party  stood  aghast  and  trembling 
at  the  threshold  of  war,  when  they  first  came  into 
power.     They  were  willing  to  confirm  slavery  in  the 


200  Why  tve  are  Democrats. 

States  as  the  price  of  peace.  The  abolishment  of 
slavery  was  the  work  of  a  higher  source  in  spite  of 
parties  or  the  people.  But  look  at  all  which  history- 
has  written  since  then,  and  where  is  there  anything 
to  boast  of,  or  that  would  lead  young  men  to  be 
proud  of  it,  above  all  others  ?  Surely  not  the  gal- 
lantry of  its  troops  alone  put  down  the  rebellion  ! 
There  were  nearly  one  million  five  hundred  thou- 
sand men  in  the  North,  who  supported  Douglass  in 
1860,  and  many  more  hundred  thousands,  Bell  and 
Everett,  the  so-called  Union  candidates,  and  only 
one  million  and  a  half  who  voted  for  Abraham  Lin- 
coln. There  were  more  Democrats  and  Union  men 
in  the  Union  army  from  the  North,  perforce  of  cir- 
cumstances, than  from  the  Republican  ranks;  and 
without  their  aid  the  war  could  7iot  have  been  suc- 
cessfully brought  to  a  close.  It  mas  the  patriotic 
aid  of  Democrats  that  saved  the  Union,  and  without 
their  aid,  or  else  the  establishment  of  a  military 
dictatorship,  it  could  not  have  been  saved  from  the 
destruction  into  which  sectional  madness  had  forced 
the  country,  and  the  latter  itself  would  have  destroy- 
ed it.  But  where  is  there  anything  specially  com- 
mendable in  the  civil  administration  of  public  af- 
fairs since  the  close  of  the  war,  that  marks  the 
career  of  the  opposers  of  the  Democracy  as  a  bright 
epoch  in  the  history  of  this  country  ?  Was  there 
ever  a  time  of  more  stupendous  frauds  committed 
upon  the  government  than  during  those  years,  and 
b^  those  who  had  sworn  to  protect  and  defend  it? 


Why  tve  are  Democrats.  201 

All  this  done  under  the  partisan  cry  of  ''  loyalty  " 
to  the  government.  We  do  not  charge  the  Republi- 
can masses  with  being  participators;  rather  do  we 
say  that  we  know  that  upon  their  cheeks  mantled 
the  blush  of  shame  for  the  men  to  whom  thoy  trust- 
ed their  honor,  when  they  so  shamelessly  had  be- 
trayed their  trust.  It  was  deeply  humiliating  to 
know  that  even  a  Vice-President  had  to  be  retired 
to  private  life  in  disgrace;  that  fraud  and  corrup- 
tion nestled  close  to  the  presidential  chair,  filled  by 
a  representative  of  that  party — yea  it  crept  into  his 
cabinet  and  was  expelled  therefrom  for  robbing  the 
government,  but  they  are  responsible  so  far  as  they 
sustain  men  in  it.  Tell  us,  is  there  anything  like  it 
in  history  ;7  [and  why  should  we  not  be  Demo- 
crats, when  leaders  on  the  other  side  have  thus  be- 
trayed their  country  and  their  party,  and  have  not 
even  repented  of  their  sins,  as  the  rebellious  States 
of  the"  South,  who  have  accepted  every  condition 
mposed  upon  them. 

'  But  not  only  these  things,  but  when  were  the 
principles  of  English  and  American  liberty  more 
recklessly  violated  than  during  the  past  twenty 
years  of  our  history.  When  men  were  plunged 
into  dungeons  without  affidavits  or  warrants,  mere- 
ly at  the  beck  and  nod  of  some  military  satrap — or 
Secretary  of  State — the  same  refused  trials  in  courts 
that  were  open,  by  a  jury  of  their  peers,  according 
to  the  Constitution  of  their  country;  but  upon  the 
contrary,  were  tried  by  military  court-martials  or- 


202  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

ganized  to  convict!  Legislative  halls  guarded  by 
armed  men,  and  civil  administrations  stricken  down 
yet  all  under  the  broad  aegis  of  a  free  Constitution  ! 
Why  not  then  be  a  Democrat,  when  its  principles 
are  those  on  which  rest  the  best  hopes  of  the  world 
— civil  and  religious  liberty — and  the  emancipation 
of  the  masses. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 
THE  FUTURE  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

COMPLETE  RECONCILIATION  MUST  COME — CENTRALIZATION  JIEANS 
DESPOTISM— DEMOCRACY  ALONE  CAN  DESTROY  SOCIALISM — 
EVERETT'S  SPEECH  AT  GETTYSBURG— ENGLAND'S  WARS  OF  THE 
ROSES— CIVIL  WAR  OF  THE  17TH  CENTURY — THE  FRENCH  RE- 
VOLUTION— DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES  MUST  TRIUMPH— WHILE 
FREE  GOVERNMENTS  LIVE  DEMOCRACY  CANNOT  DIE— NOW  IS 
THE  TIME — YOUNG  MEN  RALLY  TO  THE  STANDARD. 

The  Democracy  believes  that  complete  reconcilia- 
tion must  take  place  —  that  their  principles  will 
finally  triumph  in  the  administration  of  our  public 
affairs,  they  have  no  doubt.  The  progress  our  coun- 
try has  made  under  the  benign  influence  of  Democ- 
ratic ideas,  notwithstanding  their  interruption  by 
the  events  occurring  during  the  greatest  civil  war 
known  in  history,  foreshadows  this. 

No  other  policy  will  preserve  the  Union,  and  the 
liberties  of  the  people  at  the  same  time,  and  we 
believe  both  will  be  our  heritage.  The  limits  to 
which  this  principle  of  co-equal  sovereign  States, 
bound  together  in  one  national  government,  under 
a  Constitution  of  granted  powers,  can  be  extended, 
is  scarcely  conceiveable.  Each  attending  to  its 
local  concerns,  and  domestic  affairs,  free  from  inter- 


204  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

ference  by  the  central  or  supreme  government, 
brings  the  power  to  govern  the  people  home  to  their 
own  firesides. 

If  dissatisfaction  arises,  it  can  be  remedied  by 
themselves  without  disturbing  the  peace  of  the 
whole.  It  is  emphatically  the  principle  of  local  self- 
government  in  the  States.  They  are  alone  respon- 
sible for  their  bad  laws.  They  reap  the  blessings  of 
good  ones,  while  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  now  numbering  over  fifty  millions, 
can  go  on  with  their  enterprises,  developing  the 
country,  and  building  up  the  great  West,  founding 
States,  each  possessing  this  same  right  to  pass  such 
laws  as  to  them  may  seem  best.  As  the  country  be- 
comes enlarged  and  population  increases,  the  appli- 
cation of  these  principles  becomes  still  more  neces- 
sary. Then  why  not  adopt  them  as  the  rule  of  our 
political  action  ?  Why  demand  a  stronger  govern- 
ment, as  the  Republicans  do,  when  this  is  absolutely 
the  stronger  of  the  two.  Centralization  must  mean 
despotism.  A  government,  to  reach  out  to  theverge 
of  a  mighty  empire,  must  of  necessity  be  central- 
ized, powerful,  and  not  depend  upon  the  masses  but 
the  military,  for  enforcing  its  requirements,  or  else 
its  duties  must  be  few  and  simple,  and  only  concern 
national  affairs,  easily  enforced,  and  felt  as  little  as 
possible  by  the  citizens  of  the  country.  This  the 
Democracy  want — any  other  form  will  be  a  failure. 
Our  present  form  of  government  is,  therefore,  the 
best  ever  devised  by  man;  especially  is  it  so,  for  the 


Wliy  ive  are  Democrats.  205 

circumstances  under  which  we  find  the  country 
placed.  A  climate  ranging  from  the  rigorous  win- 
ters of  the  extreme  North,  to  almost  the  tropics  of 
the  South,  has  a  variety  of  productions  of  the  soil, 
and  diversified  interests  to  consider.  No  legislation 
could,  under  these  manifold  conditions,  be  gene- 
rally acceptable.  We  must  have  legislation  by 
smaller  districts.  The  whole  people  could  not  be 
sufficiently  represented  in  one  great  national  as- 
sembly Therefore,  of  necessity,  the  great  mass  of 
our  laws,  in  order  to  be  satisfactory,  must  be 
remitted  to  the  people  in  the  States. 

When  Congress  has  regulated  commerce  with 
other  nations,  established  a  uniform  rule  of  natural- 
ization and  bankruptcy,  coined  money,  and  regula- 
ted the  value  thereof,  declared  war  in  case  of 
necessity,  established  post  offices  and  post  roads, 
and  exercised  a  few  other  powers,  it  has  not  only 
enough  to  do  to  occupy  all  its  time,  but  has  ex- 
hausted all  its  powers  granted  under  the  Constitu- 
tion. If  these  powers  be  wisely  exercised,  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  bear  with  equal  weight  upon  all,  in  no 
spirit  of  sectional  superiority,  there  is  no  limit  to 
the  power  of  expansion  under  our  system.  What- 
ever makes  men  love  their  government,  makes  it 
strong — especially  is  this  true  in  a  free  government 
like  ours.  If  this  system  be  adhered  to,  and  the 
North,  and  the  South,  and  the  East,  and  the  West 
be  made  to  love,  respect  and  obey  it,  because  of  the 
blessings  it  brings  to  them,  what  may  not  the  next 


206  Why  we  are  Democrats 

hundred  years  in  America  witness?  With  a  soil 
naturally  productive  in  all  sections  of  the  country, 
mineral  wealth  stored  away  beneath  it  in  abund- 
ance; lakes,  rivers,  and  railroads  affording  abun- 
dant facilities  to  interchange  products  and  manu- 
factures with  each  other;  the  wants  of  one  section 
supplied  by  another,  creating  activity  in  trade,  in- 
centives to  enterprise,  stimilants  to  progress,  where 
are  to  be  found  brighter  prospects  for  a  nation,  if 
we  are  true  to  the  principles  on  which  our  govern- 
ment is  founded,  than  here  in  this  heaven-favored 
land.  But  in  order  to  continue  our  national  pros- 
perity, and  enjoy  the  full  fruition  of  our  hopes,  we 
must  bury  our  sectional  prejudices,  and  enforce  the 
benign  principles  so  patriotically  announced  by 
Washington,  when  he  took  public  leave  of  his 
countrymen. 

This  reconciliation  cannot  be  brought  about  by 
force.  It  is  alike  impossible  that  the  bitter  passions 
of  the  war  period  can  long  be  continued,  or  that 
force  and  oppression,  or  denunciation  should  bring 
about  reconciliation.  A  beneficent  providence  has 
so  constituted  our  natures,  that  a  violent  degree  of 
passion  exercised  in  one  direction,  is  sooner  or  later 
followed  by  a  re-action  in  the  opposite  direction.  If 
this  were  not  so,  and  as  Everett  said,  upon  the 
brow  of  cemetery  hill,  at  Gettysburg,  where  but  a 
few  months  before  had  been  turned  back  the  rebel 
armies,  and  their  success  become  impossible,  "  were 
hatred  always  returned  by  equal  and  still  stronger 


Why  ive  are  Democrats  207 

feelings  of  hatred;  if  injuries  inflicted  always  lead 
to  still  greater  injuries,  by  way  of  retaliation;  and 
thus  forever  a  compound  of  accumulated  hatred, 
revenge,  and  retaliation  were  the  result;  then  for 
thousands  of  years  would  this  world  have  been  in- 
habited with  demons  only,  and  this  earth  have  been 
a  perfect  hell.  But  this  is  not  so;  all  history  tells 
us,  it  is  not  true."  The  North  and  South  will  and 
must  be  reconciled.  The  Democrats  must  do  it. 
All  must  feel  that  they  have  a  common  interest, 
and  a  heritage  under  a  common  government;  and 
the  strength  of  the  government  will  be  beyond  cal- 
culation; but  upon  the  other  hand,  you  station  the 
military  force  of  the  union  in  their  towns  and  cities, 
place  n  tional  supervisors  of  elections  at  their  polls, 
send  F  leral  Deputy  marshals  to  arrest  and  impris- 
on the  people,  distrusting  their  ability  and  patriot- 
ism to  guard  their  elections  against  fraud  and  vio- 
lence, and  the  generation  is  yet  unborn  that  will 
see  a  perfect  union  of  those  states.  The  great  prob- 
lem, how  to  break  down  sectionalism,  North  and 
South,  and  so  order  affairs  that  parties  shall  not  be 
divided  by  geographical  lines,  is  still  unsettled. 
What  party  is  so  well  qualified  to  do  this  as  the  na- 
tional Democratic  party,  under  the  guidance  of  its 
chosen  leaders. 

When  Everett  delivered  his  last  great  address  at 
(jetty sbury,  in  A.  D.  1863,  he  did  not  know  that  he 
was  predicting  a  parallel  to  the  history  recited,  in 
portraying  the  close  of  other  rebellions.  He  brought 


208  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

to  mind  the  fact,  that  the  War  of  the  Roses  in  Eng- 
land had  lasted  thirty  years,  from  1455  to  1485.  It 
was  one  of  the  fiercest  civil  wars  known  in  history; 
eighty  princes  of  the  royal  blood  had  lost  their  lives, 
and  the  families  of  the  nobility  almost  annihilated. 
The  strong  feelings  of  affection  which  kindred  fam- 
ilies then  bore  for  one  another,  and  the  vindictive 
spirit  which  that  age  of  the  world  made  it  a  point 
of  honor  to  maintain,  rendered  the  great  families  of 
England  implacable  enemies.  But  at  last  the  titles 
of  the  two  contending  families  were  centered  in  one 
person.  Henry  VII  went  up  from  Bosworth  field 
to  mount  the  throne.  He  was  received  everywhere 
with  joyous  exclamations,  and  regarded  as  one  sent 
by  Heaven  to  put  an  end  to  that  terrible  strife,  and 
give  peace  and  prosperity  to  a  distracted  country. 

Take  the  instance  of  another  rebellion  in  England 
lasting  from  1G20  to  1640,  twenty  years,  ending  sud- 
denly with  the  return  of  Charles  II.  These  again 
were  twenty  years  of  discord,  of  conflict,  civil  war, 
confiscation,  plunder,  havoc,  and  destruction  A 
proud,  hereditary  peerage  trampled  in  the  dust;  a 
national  church  overturned;  its  clergy  beggared;  its 
most  eminent  prelate  put  to  death;  a  military  des- 
potism established  upon  the  ruins  of  a  monarchy 
that  had  lasted  seven  hundred  years,  and  its  legiti- 
mate sovereign  brouglit  to  the  block.  All  this  and 
more  done  to  embitter  and  estrange  a  people,  and 
madden  and  enrage  contending  factions,  and  yet 
these  people  were  reconciled  !      Not  by  a    gentle 


Why  ive  are  Democrats.  209 

transition,  but  suddenly,  when  the  restoration  had 
appeared  most  hopeless.  The  son  of  the  beheaded 
monarch  was  brought  back  to  his  fathers  house, 
and  to  his  bloodstained  throne,  amid  such  universal 
and  inexpressible  joy  as  led  the  merry  monarch  to 
exclaim,  he  doubted  it  was  his  own  fault  he  had 
been  so  long  absent,  for  there  seemed  to  be  no  one 
who  did  not  protest  that  he  long  since  wished  for  his 
return. 

God  has  oftimes  in  a  wonderful  manner  ended  re- 
bellions. It  was  hoped  at  one  time  that  ours — by 
Sherman's  agreement — would  have  ended  as  sud- 
denly and  as  joyously;  but  those  in  authority  did 
not  so  will  it. 

Take  one  more  instance  —  that  of  the  French 
Revolution.  It  was  a  reign  of  terror  understood  by 
all.  A  blacker  page  of  crime  cannot  be  found  in  all 
history.  Another  church  broken  up;  its  clergy 
murdered;  men  slaughtered  by  boat  loads,  and  be- 
headed by  machinery!  A  monarchy  destroyed;  a 
royal  family  extinguished,  and  their  adherents  ex- 
iled or  beheaded.  If  the  most  deadly  feud  had  the 
power  permanently  to  alienate  one  portion  of  a 
people  from  another,  surely  here  we  have  an  ex- 
ample; but  far  otherwise  was  the  fact.  Napoleon 
brought  order  out  of  chaos;  the  Jacobins  of  France 
Welcomed  home  the  returning  emigrants,  and 
royalists,  whose  estates  they  had  confiscated, 
and  whose  kindred  they  had  brought  to  the 
guillotine.  , 


210  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

After  another  turn  of  the  wheel  of  fortune,  Louis 
XVIII  was  restored  to  his  throne,  and  lie  took  the 
regicide  Fouche  to  his  cabinet  and  to  his  confidence, 
though  he  had  voted  for  the  decree  ordering  his 
brother's  death.  So,  too,  should  the  dissentions  in 
this  country  cease.  It  would  long  since  have  been 
so  had  not  base,  designing  men,  for  their  own  sel- 
fish purposes,  prevented  it.  But  they  can  not  pre- 
vent it  much  longer.  This  Union  must  be  restored. 
The  great  public  heart  yearns  for  it.  Should  not 
the  whole  country  have  welcomed  back  those  once 
in  rebellion,  into  the  folds  of  a  common  nationality, 
and  forever  silenced  the  distrust  of  sections  ? 

Let  us  cast  away  this  revengeful  disposition;  let 
the  better  principles  of  our  nature  do  their  work, 
and  soon  we  shall  see  a  nation  of  freemen  rejoicing 
over  the  restoration  of  their  Union,  and  the  recon- 
ciliation of  their  difficulties,  as  none  have  ever  re- 
joiced before.  It  is  the  knowledge  of  these  things, 
their  importance  to  the  country,  the  necessity  that 
it  should  be  speedily  accomplished,  that  impels  De- 
mocrats to  the  task.  They  are  Deruocrats  because 
they  earnestly  desire  to  see  this  great  result  ac- 
complished. They  know  in  their  principles  no 
North,  no  South,  no  East,  no  West — but  take  the 
whole  country  into  their  affections  and  esteem,  and 
this  is  one  great  reason  why  they  ai-e  Democrats.   ' 

Democratic  Principles  Must  Triumph. — It  may 
be  true  that  the  party  has  not  always  faithfully 


Why  tve  are  Democrats.  211 

carried  out  these  principles,  as  declared  to  be  funda- 
mental Democratic  doctrines.  The  more  is  the  pity. 
It  is  with  the  view  of  recalling  these  ancient  land- 
marks of  the  party  to  the  attention  of  its  voters,  and 
urging  them  not  only  upon  the  young  men  just  com- 
ing upon  the  stage  of  action,  those  in  the  discharge 
of  active  duties  in  the  part}^  but  also  the  old,  gray 
headed  veterans  of  this  cross,  which  they  have 
borne  for  so  many  years,  in  order  to  brush  up  their 
faith  for  a  renewed  and  long  continued  contest  for 
the  final  supremacy  of  those  grand  principles  which 
have  stood  the  assaults  of  the  enemy,  that  we  have 
prepared  these  pages.  They  need  not  be  discour- 
aged; their  words,  and  actions,  and  votes,  have  not 
been  in  vain,  even  though  their  opponents  have 
quite  frequently  pilfered  their  principles;  yet  thus 
have  they  given  law  to  the  land.  They  have  con- 
tended for  a  recall  of  troops  from  the  South,  and  ob- 
tained that.  They  have  pleaded  for  reconciliation 
and  peace,  and  will  have  that  also;  and  when  once 
more  the  country  shall  have  been  fully  restored  and 
the  small  New  England  States  will  feel  their  power 
and  prestige  departing  from  them,  and  the  grand 
old  doctrines  of  the  Democracy — properly  under- 
stood State  rights — will  be  their  own  salvation;  and 
when  the  agricultural  districts  of  the  great  West, 
will  have  struck  hands  with  those  of  the  South,  in 
whose  welfare  they  are  so  deeply  interested,  the 
party  which  professes  these  national  doctrines  will 
gain  the  ascendancy  as  if  by  magic,  and  all  wlio 


212  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

oppose  them  will   be  buried   in  the  tomb  of   the 
Capulets. 

Such  we  fondly  believe  must  be  the  manifest  des- 
tiny of  those  immortal  principles  of  Democracy 
which  can  only  die  when  our  country,  under  its 
present  form  of  government,  has  no  longer  an  exist- 
ence. While  free  government  lives,  these  prin- 
ciples of  Democracy  cannot  die. 

Now  IS  THE  Time  ! — There  is  no  time  at  which 
men  more  readily  change  their  political  relations, 
than  during  Presidential  elections.  These  represent 
broad  issues,  of  a  national  character,  while  the  con- 
tests in  the  States  are  not  always  calculated  to  unite 
otherwise  harmonious  political  elements.  The  De- 
mocratic party  has  had  a  national  creed  for  more 
than  three-quarters  of  a  century.  Many  of  their 
principles  have  been  adopted  even  by  their  op- 
ponents. The  question  of  secession  has  been  settled 
by  war — there  is  now  no  difference  of  opinion  as  to 
that  heresy.  The  question  of  slavery  has  likewise 
been  settled.  These  war  issues  are  buried;  the  sub- 
ject of  reconciliation,  and  the  best  mode  to  accomp- 
lish it  has  been  an  issue  ever  since  Sherman's  and 
Grant's  terms  with  Johnson  and  Lee.  The  complete 
unification  of  our  country,  North  and  South,  with  a 
common  sentiment  of  nationality  pervading  the 
people,  has  been  the  hope  and  wish  of  the  American 
Democracy  for  more  than  eighteen  years*  Their 
method  is  about  to  triumph.     The  methods  of  war 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  213 

are  laid  aside,  and  those  of  perfect  peace  are  to  pre- 
vail. The  Constitution  is  about  to  be  enforced  as 
our  fathers  understood  it,  when  Jackson  laid  down 
the  true  doctrine  in  regard  to  it.  These  have  never 
been  dead  issues;  many  Republicans  have  ever  be- 
lieved in  them.  Now  is  the  time  for  men  to  take 
anew  their  position  on  national  grounds.  A  new 
era  is  about  to  dawn  upon  us  as  a  nation;  therefore 
let  the  young  men  of  the  country  come  to  the  front; 
they  can  soon  throw  themselves  to  the  head  of  a 
great  party,  which  has  ever  taught  true  doctrines. 
Its  flag  went  down  when  sectionalism  prevailed.  It 
goes  up  all  over  the  Union  when  true  national 
views  prevail;  its  banners  should  now  be  borne  by 
the  men  who  are  coming  upon  the  stage  of  action 
during  the  next  quarter  of  a  century;  let  them  make 
the  party  what  they  desire  it  to  be — true  to  the  Con- 
stitution, and  true  to  the  Union,  and  no  sectional 
party  can  drive  them  from  their  position;  the  whole 
country  is  ready  for  peace  and  good  will  to  all. 

Now  let  them  rally  to  its  standard;  let  the  methods 
of  the  war  era  be  forgotten.  Let  the  party 
which  so  long  held  its  position,  and  which  has  come 
to  think  that  the  country  belongs  to  them  alone,  be 
asked  to  retire;  and  if  they  refuse  to  go,  as  they  did 
a  few  years  ago,  let  them  be  compelled  to  vacate. 
This  country  is  for  other,  and  more  men,  than  a  few 
hundred  thousand  party  machinists  !  It  is  well  to 
teach  them  that  it  belongs  to  the  people. 

Young  men,  rally  to  the  standard  of  the  Democ- 


214  Why  we  are  Democrats, 

racy.  Take  your  position  in  their  ranks  and  aid 
them  in  this  work,  and  with  a  regenerated  country, 
will  come  a  reinvigorated  party,  with  you  at  its 
head,  which  will  make  our  country  even  more  than 
our  fathers  ever  dreamed  it  would  be.  Young  men 
to  the  front !    Be  Democrats  !    Why  not? 


ORDER  OF  BUSmESS   IN  CONVENTIONS. 

DUTY  OF  CENTRAL  COMMITTEES— THE  CALL— TEMPORARY  ORGANI- 
ZATIONS IMMEDIATELY  PRIOR  TO  CONVENTION— ELECTION  OP 
OFFICERS— ORDER  OF  COMMITTEES— CALLING  FOR  REPORTS- 
AMENDMENTS — THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN'S  ADDRESS — RESO- 
LUTIONS—MINORITIES AND  MINORITY  REPORTS — PRESIDENTIAL 
VOTE  FROM   1789  TO   1880. 

The  writer  deems  it  a  matter  of  sufficient  import- 
ance, to  devote  a  chapter  on  the  subject  of  conducting 
party  political  conventions.  There  is  nothing  more 
humiliating  and  demoralizing  to  a  party,  than  to 
have  its  business  in  conventions  transacted  in  a  dis- 
orderly manner.  The  few  practical  directions  here 
given  if  observed,  will  prevent  much  confusion,  and 
sometimes  absolute  disorganization. 

There  is  scarcely  a  political  division  which  has 
not  a  central  committee  appointed  at  a  previous 
convention  to  perpetuate  itself,  and  thus  preserve 
the  organization  of  the  party.  It  is  the  duty  of  this 
committee  to  fix  the  iiie  and  place  of  meeting,  and 
to  apportion  the  number  of  delegates,  to  the  several 
subdivisions  comprising  the  district,  municipality, 
township,  county  or  state  for  which  the  convention 
is  to  be  held. 

When  this  committee  has  issued  its  call  definitely 
settling  the  time  and  place  of  meeting,  the  number, 


316  Why  we  are  Democrats. 

manner  and  time  of  selecting  the  delegates,  it 
ought  also  to  provide  for  a  temporary  organization 
of  the  convention,  when  it  shall  have  so  assembled; 
or  it  ought  to  meet,  shortly  preceding  the  time  set 
for  the  opening  of  the  convention  to  provide  for  a 
temporary  organization  of  the  same,  as  the  most 
orderly  manner  of  proceeding.  It  was  formerly  the 
custom,  and  doubtless  still  is,  in  some  parts  of 
the  Union,  for  a  member  to  arise  in  his  place  at  the 
opening,  and  propose  the  name  of  some  one  to  act 
as  temporary  chairman,  or  president  of  the  conven- 
tion, or  meeting,  as  must  still  be  done  in  mere  mass 
meetings,  where  no  committee  of  arrangements  has 
the  assembly  in  charge;  yet,  undoubtedly,  much 
the  best  method  is  for  the  chairman  of  the  central 
committee,  or  of  the  committee  of  arrangements,  or 
some  one  in  his  place,  to  be  at  the  time  and  place 
announced  for  the  assembly  to  meet,  a,nd  to  name 
the  temporary  presiding  officers  through  whom  to 
effect  the  permanent  organization  of  the  body. 

Having  announced  the  names  of  the  temporary 
officers,  it  is  his  duty  to  introduce  those  thus  select- 
ed, who  will  take  charge  of  the  meeting,  and  pro- 
ceed to  effect  a  permanent  organization  of  the 
same. 

After  having  announced  his  readiness  to  proceed 
to  the  business  in  hand,  his  first  duty  will  be  to  call 
for  the  appointment  of  suitable  committees  through 
whom  to  permanently  organize  the  convention. 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  217 

These  committees  usually  are  appointed  in  the  fol- 
lowing order: 

1st.     Committee  on  credentials. 

2nd.  Committee  on  permanent  organization, 
rules  and  order  of  business. 

3rd.     A  committee  on  resolutions. 

4th.  A  committee  to  present  names  composing 
the  central  committee  for  the  ensuing  term. 

When  all  these,  and  other  committees  desired, 
have  been  duly  appointed,  it  is  customary,  indeed 
necessary,  to  take  a  recess,  to  a  time  fixed  in  the 
motion,  in  order  that  these  committees  may  have 
time  to  meet  and  complete  their  reports;  he  should 
also  ascertain  and  announce  before  the  recess  is 
taken,  where  and  when  the  several  committees  are 
required  to  meet,  for  the  transaction  of  the  business 
entrusted  to  them. 

When  the  time  has  arrived  to  which  the  conven- 
tion has  taken  a  recess,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  the 
temporary  presiding  officer,  to  again  assume  his  po- 
sition, and  call  the  convention  to  order,  and  to  an- 
nounce the  business  of  the  convention. 

The  first  thing  in  order  will  be  the  report  of  the 
committee  on  credentials,  because  it  is,  of  course, 
not  in  order  to  transact  any  business  to  be  brought 
before  the  convention,  until  the  body  itself  has  first 
settled  who  are,  and  who  are  not  members  thereof. 

It  is  the  duty  of  this  committee  to  hear  and  de- 
termine all  contests  between  delegates  for  seats  in 
convention,  and  to  make^a  report  of  their  finding  to 


218  Why  we  are  Democrats 

the  same.  When  this  report  is  presented,  the  ques* 
tion  before  the  convention  will  be,  the  adoption  of 
the  report,  and  when  adopted  those  named  in  the 
report  are  considered  members  of  the  body  to  which 
elected. 

The  next  thing  to  be  done  is  to  call  for  the  report 
of  the  committee  on  permanent  organization,  rules, 
and  order  of  business. 

This  committee  selects  the  permanent  officers  of 
the  convention,  and  presents  some  code  of  rules  by 
which  the  body  is  to  be  governed,  usually  the  rules 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  State  where- 
in assembled;  and  this  report  should  be  in  writing. 
The  question  before  the  convention,  really  is  with- 
out a  motion,  the  adoption  of  the  report. 

Should  any  one  desire  to  see  other  officer's  elected, 
than  those  named  by  the  committee,  it  is  competant 
for  a  member  of  the  convention  to  move  that  cer- 
tain names  be  substituted  in  place  of  others,  named 
by  the  committee  to  act  as  the  permanent  officers  of 
the  body.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  temporary  presiding 
officer  to  put  this  motion  before  the  convention,  as 
it  bears  the  relation  of  an  amendment  to  the  report. 
If  this  be  carried,  then  the  next  question  is,  the 
adoption  of  the  report  as  amended;  or  if  the  amend- 
ment has  failed,  then  to  put  the  question  on  the 
original  report  of  the  committee.  If  this  report  be 
adopted,  it  is  customary  for  some  member  of  the 
convention  to  move,  that  a  committee  of  three  be 
appointed  to  wait  upon  the  president  or  chairman 


Why  IV e  are  Democrats.  219 

elect,  inform  him  of  his  election,  and  to  escort  him 
to  the  temporary  presiding  officer,  introduce  the 
person  so  chosen  to  preside,  to  the  temporary  chair- 
man, who  in  turn  should  introduce  the  person  elect- 
ed to  the  body  over  which  he  is  called  upon  to  pre- 
side. When  this  has  been  accomplished,  the  tem- 
porary officers  must  retire,  and  place  the  permanent 
officers  in  charge  of  the  convention. 

It  is  usual  for  the  permanent  chairman  to  address 
the  convention  upon  the  subject  and  work  before  it, 
and  thereafter  to  announce  that  the  convention  is 
now  permanently  organized,  and  ready  for  the  busi- 
ness for  which  the  body  has  assembled. 

After  this  has  been  accomplished,  the  first  busi- 
ness in  order  should  be  the  report  of  the  committee 
on  resolutions,  if  ready  to  report,  because  it  is  gen- 
erally advisable  to  adopt  the  resolutions  before  nom- 
inating candidates.  If,  however,  a  different  order 
or  business  has  been  reported  by  the  committee  on 
permanent  organization,  rules,  and  order  of  busi- 
ness, that  order  must  be  observed.  If  not,  then,  if 
the  convention  desires  to  proceed  to  business,  before 
the  committee  on  resolutions  has  reported,  a  motion 
is  proper  to  be  made,  providing,  that  the  rules  be 
suspended,  and  some  other  order  of  business  be 
taken  up,  which  generally  requires  a  two-thirds  vote 
to  pass. 

If  this  is  not  done,  then  the  order  of  business  laid 
down  by  the  committee  must  he  observed,  and  as 
this  generally  provides  for  the  reports  of  all  commit- 


220  Why  we  are  Democrats, 

tees  before  nominations  of  candidates,  nothing  else 
can  be  done  until  the  reports  of  committees  have  all 
been  acted  upon. 

The  selection  of  a  central  committee  sometimes 
creates  confusion.  It  would  seem  proper  that  in  a 
State  convention,  where  Congressional  districts 
have  each  the  selection  of  a  member  of  the  commit- 
tee, no  committee  to  select  a  committee  is  necessary, 
but  each  district  can  elect  their  own  member,  and  to 
announce  the  names  is  all  that  is  necessary;  but  in 
all  cases  this  cannot  be  done,  and  inasmuch  as  small 
bodies  can  give  more  deliberation  in  the  selection  of 
agents  than  larger  ones,  it  would  seem  to  be  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  fitness  of  things,  that  the  selec- 
tion should  be  made  by  a  committee  appointed  for 
that  purpose. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  presiding  officer  to  observe 
closely  the  order  of  business,  and  rules  of  proceed- 
ing adopted  by  the  convention.  Any  variation  from 
these  rules  will  necessitate  a  motion  to  suspend 
them,  a  matter  that  would  require,  generally,  a  ma- 
jority of  two-thirds  to  adopt. 

It  is  frequently  the  case  that  enthusiastic  mem- 
bers offer  resolutions  before  a  permanent  organiza- 
tion has  been  effected.  These,  when  not  in  aid  of 
organization  are  out  of  order,  and  the  chairman 
ought  not  to  entertain  such,  as  his  only  duty  is  to 
see  that  the  body  is  fully  organized,  and  not  permit 
any  business  to  be  transacted  regarding  the  purpose 
of  its  assembling  together. 


Why  we  are  Democrats.  221 

After  the  convention  has  been  thus  legally  and 
fully  organized,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  the  chairman 
to  announce  the  business  to  be  done,  and  in  the 
order  named  as  adopted  by  the  assembly. 

In  this  way  all  confusion  can  be  avoided,  and  the 
business'^^before  the  body  can  be  speedily  and  har- 
moniously transacted.  To  permit  business  in  delib- 
erative bodies  to  be  done  irregularly,  and  out  of 
order,  confuses  conventions,  destroys  their  influence, 
and  is  calculated  to  bring  the  body  and  the  cause 
into  disrepute  before  the  people. 

When  the  point  has  been  reached  to  nominate 
candidates,  the  chairman  should  announce  that 
order,  and  when  all  the  names  of  candidates  have 
been  presented,  he  should  declare  nominations 
closed  and  direct  the  secretary  to  call  the  roll  of 
constituencies  represented  in  the  convention,  such 
as  wards,  townships,  counties  or  districts  as  the  case 
may  be,  for  the  announcement  of  the  vote  of  each. 
When  the  roll  is  being  called  nothing  else  is  in 
order,  but  the  call  and  the  announcement  of  the 
vote  cast.  It  frequently  happens  that  votes  of  dele- 
gations are  disputed.  These  cannot  be  counted,nor 
the  disputes  settled  by  the  convention  while  the  call 
is  being  made.  It  would  be  entirely  proper  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  call,  and  then,  when  the  same  has 
been  concluded,  and  the  result  announced,  stating 
the  fact,  doubtless  the  matter  could  be  referred  to 
the  convention,  but  the  rule  is,  that  the  several  con- 
stituencies must  agree  among  themselves  as  to  how 


222  Why  ive  are  Democrats. 

they  desire  their  ballots  to  be  cast.  The  convention 
can  only  adopt  rules  as  to  how  the  vote  shall  be 
taken,  and  if  those  represented  in  the  convention 
refuse  to  obey  these  rules,  it  would  seem  proper 
that  their  votes  should  be  lost — which  is  a  proceed- 
ing that  will  generally  reduce  refractory  constitu- 
encies to  obey  the  rules  of  order  provided  for  their 
government. 

When  a  committe  is  unable  to  agree  unanimously 
upon  any  proposition,  the  minority  may  present 
what  is  called  a  minority  report,  but  this  has  no 
standing  in  the  body  until  a  member  moves  that  it 
be  substituted  for  the  majority  report,  which  brings 
it  before  the  convention  to  be  acted  upon,  and  if 
adopted,  takes  the  place  of  the  majority  report,  and 
may  then  be  adopted  by  the  body. 

To  speak  of  all  the  parliamentary  rules  applicable 
to  proceedings  of  conventions  would  swell  this  work 
to  undue  proportions,  and  those  given  must  suffice. 
However,  these  few  practical  directions  might,  if  ob- 
served, avoid  much  confusion,  and  not  unfrequent- 
ly  much  bad  feeling  between  members,  and  hence 
here  given,  in  order  that  he  who  is  even  not  skilled 
in  parliamentary  rules,  may  at  least  see  his  way 
clear,  when  called  on  to  preside  over  such  meetings, 
and  be  able  to  manage  political  conventions  to  the 
satisfaction  of  himself,  and  those  over  whom  he  has 
been  called  to  preside. 


PRESIDENTIAL  VOTE  FROM  1789  TO  1880. 


Year.      CANDIDATE. 


1789 -i 
1796-} 

1800 -j 

1804] 

1808] 

1813] 

18ic] 
1820  ■! 

f 
1824  j 

1828] 

r 

1833] 

]8;i6] 
ISIO] 

1844] 

1848-| 
1853] 


Geo.  Washington  , 


Joliii  Adams 

Thomas  Ji'ffcrsou. 


Tliomas  Jeiforson. 

Aaron  Burr 

John  Ailanis 


Thomas  Jefferson. 
C.  C.  I'inckney  . . . 

James  Madison  . . . 
C.  (;.  Pinckney  . . . 

James  Madison  ... 
DeWitt  t'lintou  ... 


James  Monroe. 
Rufus  Kin^ 


James  Monroe... 

*Jolin  Q.  Adams. 
Andrew  Jackson. 
W.  H.  Crawford.. 
Henrj  Clay 

Andrew  Jackson. 
John  Q.  Adams.. 


Andrew  Jackson. . 

Henry  Clay 

John  Floyd 

William  Wirt...   . 

Martin  VanlJuren. 
Wm.  H.  Harrison. 
et  Ills 
Wm.  H.  Harrison. 
Martin  VunBuren. 

James  K.  Polk 

Henry  Clay 


Zachary  Taylor 

"  ewis  Cass 

Martin  VanBuren.. 

Franklin  Pierce. .. 
Winfield  Scott...   . 

et  al. 


Party. 


Federal 
Deni. 

Dem. 
Dem. 

Federal 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 
Federa 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 

Federal 
Dem. 
Dem. 
Whig- 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 
Whig- 
Whig 
Whig 

Dem. 
Whiff 

Whiff- 
Dem. 

Dem. 
Whig 

Whig 
Dem. 
Dem. 

Dem. 

Whig 


Popular  Vote 


Electors  chosen 
by  State  Legis- 
latures. 

do      do 

Elected  by 
House  of  Rep. 
on  36lh  ballot. 

Electors  chosen 
by  State  Legis- 
latures. 

do      do 


do      do 


do      do 
But  one  elector- 
al vote  in  oppo- 
sition. 

10.5,331 
155,873 
44,383 
46,587 

647,231 
509,097 

987  503 
530,189 


761,549 
736,056 

1,375,011 
1,135,761 

1,337,343 
1,361,363 

1,360,099 

1,230,.5,54 

391,263 

1,601,474 
1,542,403 


Electoral 
Vole. 


Unani- 
mous 
71 
69 

73 
73 
65 

148 

38 

133 

47 


138 
89 


183 
34 


84 
99 
41 
37 

178 
83 

319 
49 
11 


170 
131 


3;i4 

60 


170 
105 


163 
137 


354 
43 


Electoral  Vote,1880 1884 


No. 
...10 


State. 
Alabama 

Arkansas 6 

California 6 

Colorado 3 

Connecticut 6 

Delaware 3 

Florida 4 

Georgia 11 

Illinois 21 

Indiana 15 

Iowa 11 

Kansas 5 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana 8 

Maine 7 

Maryland 8 

Massachusetts.  13 

Micliigan 11 

Minnesota 5 

Mississippi 8 

.Missouri 15 

Vebraska 3 

Mevada 3 

N.  Hampshire.  6 

New  Jersey 9 

New  York 36 

.V.  Carolina....  10 

Ohio 23 

Oregon 3 


No. 
10 

7 

8 

3 

6 

3 

4 

13 

33 

15 

13 

9 

13 

8 

6 

8 

14 

13 

7 

9 

IG 

5 

3 

4 

9 

30 

11 

23 

3 


*  Elected  by  House  of  Representatives. 


PRFSIDENTIAL  VOTE.— Concluded. 


Year. 

CANDIDATE. 

Party 

Popular  Vote 

Electoral 
Vote. 

Electoral  Vole,  1880 1884 

James  Buchanan. . . 
John  C.  Fremont  .. 

Abraham  Lincoln.. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas 

Abraham  Lincoln . . 
Geo.  B.  McClellan. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  .. 
Horatio  Seymour  . . 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  .. 
Horace  Greeley  — 

Ruth.  B.  Hayes.... 
Samuel  J.  Tilden.. 
Peter  Cooper 

James  A.  Garfield  . 
W.  S.  Hancock..   . 

.TaniPG  R     WpflVAr 

Dem. 
Repub. 

Repub. 
Dem. 

Repub. 
Dem. 

Repub, 
Dem. 

Repub. 
Dem. 

Repub. 
Dem. 
G.  B. 

Repub. 
Dem. 
G,  B. 

1,838,169 
2,215,768 

1,866,352 
2,810,501 

2,316,067 
1,808,725 

3,015,071 

2,709,613 

3,597,070 
2,834,079 

4,042  067 

4,291.491 

80,911 

4,443,950 

4,442,035 

306,867 

12,576 

174 
122 

180 
123 

213 
31 

314 

80 

300 
66 

185 
184 

1856 1 
I860] 

1864-} 
1868-1 

State,        No.     .Vo. 

Pennsylvania..  39        30 
Rhode  Island  . .  4          4 
S.  Carolina....   7          9 

Tennessee 13        13 

Texas 8        13 

1873] 
1876 -j 

Vermont 5          4 

Virginia 11        13 

West  Virginia.  5          6 
Wisconsin 10        11 

1880  - 

314 
155 

Total 369      401 

•^ 

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